介護老人福祉施設に勤務する介護職員のいじめ，ハラスメントとストレス反応：谷口敏代ほか．岡山県立大学保健福祉学部保健福祉学科―目的：本研究は地方都市にある介護老人福祉施設に勤務する介護職員について，いじめ，ハラスメントの実態を明らかにし，それらが心身の不調（ストレス反応）を起こすという仮説を検証することを目的とした．方法：A県のB地区にある介護老人福祉35施設の医師を除く全従業員を対象とし，2009年8–9月，自己記入式質問紙による横断調査を行った．調査内容は，職業性ストレス簡易調査票のストレス反応29項目，個人的ないじめ，仕事上でのいじめ，性的ハラスメントで構成される日本語版Negative Acts Questionnaire（NAQ）12項目であった．調査項目のストレス反応・NAQに欠損値のない1,233名（有効回答率63.9％）のうち，介護職員897名を分析対象とした．心理的ストレス反応（活気の低下，イライラ感，疲労感，不安感，抑うつ感）と身体的ストレス反応（身体愁訴）が，いじめの体験の有無によって異なるかをt検定や分散分析を用いて検定した．結果：男女ともに半数以上が仕事上のいじめを構成する「必要な情報を与えない人がいて仕事が困難になる」を体験していた．また，男女とも4割程度が個人的ないじめを構成している「あなたについての陰口，または，うわさ」を体験していた．女性介護職員においては，個人的ないじめを受けた体験のある人で，有意に（p＜0.05）活気が低く，疲労が高かった．また，仕事上のいじめを体験した人の方がそうでない人に比べ有意に（p＜0.05）うつ気分が高く，性的ハラスメントを体験した人の方がそうでない人に比べ有意に（p＜0.05）不安感が高かった．一方，男性介護職員ではいじめを体験している人がそうでない人に比べ有意に（p＜0.05）活気が高かった．結論：女性介護職員において，職場のいじめ，ハラスメントは精神的ストレス反応の一部と正の関連を示し，仮説と矛盾しなかった．一方，男性介護職員ではいじめと活気との正の関連がみられた．職場のメンタルヘルス対策においては性差に考慮する必要性が示唆された．

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During the Six Dynasties period, particularly the Southern Dynasties, the fact known as "the Distinction between Shih 士 (Scholars) and Shu 庶 (Commoners)" is conspicuous. This fact is found in the various aspects of the society : marriage, social intercourse, official appointment, implication in penal law, corvee obligation, the education system and criminal law. This paper is an attempt to explain one part of the special characteristics of the State and its social structure during the Six Dynasties period by a study of these distinctions. "The Distinction between Shih and Shu" can be divided into two types. One type has the social position of the individual and the clan as its standard. Discriminations in marriage and social intercourse belong to this type. The other type takes the existence of political privileges of the individual and the clan as its standard. Differences in treatment before criminal law and with respect to corvee obligations, etc., belong to this type. These facts, then, permit us to suppose that there were two aspects to the Shih and Shu. Conclusively speaking, the Shih and Shu fundamentally existed as social groups. In local village society, once a person was rated among villagers as being fit to become a bureaucrat, he obtained Hsiang-P'in 郷品 (the qualification for bureaucratic rank) and was included among the group of bureaucratic candidates. Though the majority of them were soon to become bureaucrats, even if this was not the case, people who had obtained Hsiang-P'in had a special existence in local village society. In their own time or after the accumulation of such individuals in the family lineage, these people formed the special social group, that is, Shih. The group of villagers who were excluded from this group was called Shu. Thus, the authority of the Emperor did not interfere at all with the formation of a status group called Shih or Shu. Therefore they may be said to be social groups. The Shih and Shu that constituted such social status groups had a strictly differentiated existence as members of local village society. The Shih and Shu, however, were not distinguished in this way as subjects of the Emperor. This was due to the fact that obligations and privileges due as Imperial subjects were given out by Imperial authority, and that in making such grants both groups alike as subjects were in principle subject to the same treatment. Furthermore, it was because these obligations and privileges were granted on the basis of whether the person was an Imperial bureaucrat or not. Thus, at this point, a status order with bureaucratic rank as its momentum was formed and it was also known as Shih and Shu. From its organization we can say that it was the Shih and Shu as a political rank. These types of Shih and Shu were not perfectly mutually corresponding, but were completely separate heterogeneous groups, yet at the same time they were reciprocally regulated. In particular, the formation of Shih and Shu as political rank was strongly regulated by the existence of Shih and Shu as social group. For this reason the political ruling structure with the authority of the Emperor at the apex had to make this social class system inherent, and the result of that was to have a stratified structure that corresponded with the social class system. The conspicuousness of "the Distinction between Shih and Shu" was determined by this historical nature : in the Six Dynasties period, there was a strengthened and actualized Social class system and the Imperial authority, while internalizing the system, had to build up the political ruling structure. Subsequently the special characteristics of the aristocracy in the Southern Dynasties period owe much to such a historical nature.

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This paper is to clarify on the characteristic of Kaegyong , the capital of the Koryo dynasty, by the role of the buddhist temples of Kaegyong as city ruling apparatus of governmental power. Based on a close study of historical records^ the role of the temple is shown to have extended to acting as a palace, a national religious service institution, a government officeN and as military facilities. These expended roles enabled the buddhist temples of Kaegyong to be the key institution of the national government rather than the simple religious one. The reformulation of the role of the temples of Kaegyong as an institution of government seems to be helpful for clarifying the character of Kaegyong as capital of Koryo.

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Zhang Huaiguan 張懷〓 was a leading theoretician of calligraphy in the Tang, and in the Shuduan 書斷, his representative work, he develops his own theories about calligraphic styles and calligraphers on the basis of copious references cited from many written sources. Therefore, in order to gain an understanding of the Shuduan, it is essential to clarify his use of sources.
  In this article, taking into account past research, I carefully examine the actual use of sources in the Shuduan, and I educe the following general rules: (1) facts that are found in general (non-calligraphic) works possessing an established scholarly reputation, are widely shared, and are publicly recognized are used without citing the author's name or the book's title; (2) when utilizing the views of predecessors in discussions about matters regarding which there is no generally accepted view, the author's name is given in the case of works about calligraphy and the book's title in the case of non-calligraphic works; (3) criticism about works of calligraphy is utilized by giving only the author's name; (4) popular traditions about calligraphy that fall under (1) are utilized without giving the author's name or the book's title; and (5) popular traditions and manuals of calligraphy that are hardly worth consulting in scholarly terms are not utilized.
  This writing stance can be characterized as an orientation characteristic of orthodox calligraphic studies, which pursued the elegant and eschewed the vulgar, and from this there is also gained a perspective that divides calligraphic treatises over the ages into orthodox treatises that are worth consulting for their scholarlymerits and popular treatises that are not. But it is also a fact that there are a small number of passages in the Shuduan for which, contrary to this basic orientation, popular treatises may have been utilized. Furthermore, when one traces the history of the reception of the Shuduan in later times, it becomes clear that it drew closer to popular treatises in the way in which it was read, and its image eventually changed from its original image of an orthodox treatise on calligraphy to the exact opposite of a treatise with a popular coloration.

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「文学にできること」は、ささやかな領域に過ぎないだろう。そのひとつとして、瀰漫する有象無象の法を、露曝しかつ一方で裏切る文学の力を評価することにした。論稿の大半は、神戸少年殺人事件などを起点とした、三島由紀夫の『午後の曳航』を論じている。『午後の曳航』は、『刑法』の盲点を抉剔している。さらに、精神分析学コードの貫徹を解析することによって、精神分析学の法が逸脱として周縁化した領域に、この小説が踏み込んでいることを考察した。『源氏物語』の戦時下受難にも、『大日本帝国憲法』の万世一系や軍国昭和の系図偏重に背反する、『源氏物語』の暴力性が窺われる。平安・中世の女人救済の教理「龍女成仏」に逆立する指向軸を検証する試みとして、宇治十帖と『道成寺』の事例を最後の章で吟味した。

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Our research aims to comprehend the Chinese Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya Saṃghabhedavastu [SBhV] translated by Yijing (635-713) (T no. 1450, 24.99a-206a: Junjirō Takakusu and Kaigyoku Watanabe (eds.), Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō [THe Taishō New Edition of Buddhist Canon; a modern Japanese edition of the East Asian Buddhist canon], Taishōshinshūdaizokyōkankōkai, 1924-34/1960-78). In this paper, we present a bibliographical introduction of SBhV and its annotated Japanese reading of its first volume. THe Japanese reading of SBhV is already available (Ryūzan Nishimoto [translation] and Makio Takemura [emendation], Ritsubu [the Vinaya Scriptures] 24, Kokuyaku Issaikyō [Translation of the Complete Chinese Buddhist Canon into Classical Japanese in Kakikudashi Style], Daito Publishing Co., Inc., 1934, Revised Edition: 1975). While taking this historic research accomplishment into consideration, we incorporate recent developments in this field into our research, by referring to variants of the text, including the newly discovered Sanskrit Gilgit Manuscripts (edited by R. Gnoli [Part I: 1977, Part II: 1978]), and reviewing issues in previous studies. By so doing, we present the new reading and understanding. Furthermore, based on the stories, subtitles are added for an easier and better understanding of the text. In our bibliographical introduction of SBhV, we include a table comparing the subtitles added to the Chinese SBhV (Nishimoto 1934/75: 2-4) and Sanskrit SBhV (Gnoli 1978: 299-308), as well as summarize the history of research on SBhV and present outlines of individual studies.

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