There were confrontations between 旧人 (Chiu-jen), who were old members in the dynasty and 新人 (Hsin-jen), who were new members, and between 北人 (Pei-jen), who are 鮮卑 (Hsien-Pei) group and 南人 (Nan-jen), who are 漢人 (Han-jen). These groups had been intertwining complexly, and thus constituted a political "structure". The emperor's power continuosly aimed at making 旧人 of 新人 in order to intensify his power. About the time of 孝文帝 (Hsiao-wen-ti)'s reformation, the 北人 group's organization was becoming weaker and weaker. Therefore a great deal of confusion had occurred in this "structure". The 良奴 (Commoner and Slave) system appeared to take the place of this "structure" for bringing this confusion under control. There occurred an essential difference between 良 before the 孝文帝's reformation and 良 after the reformation because the 良奴 system had aimed at overcoming this "structure". The enforcement of the 良奴 system did not signify a decline of the 北人's political rank, but it rather aimed at elevating the 南人's political status to the 北人's political level. The emperor's power finally aimed at making 国人 (Kuo-jen) of 南人. The Sinification of 鮮卑 at this time does not mean assimilation of 鮮卑 into Chinese society, but rather can recognize that it was a generative power for creating a new Chinese civilization, because it was due to 鮮卑's voluntary choice, and there was the creation, of many institutions in the dynasty which were adopted by the Sui 隋 and T'ang 唐 dynasties, and there was the unconscious preservation of 鮮卑 spirit. 鮮卑 in the dynasty held an attachment to blood relations and prided itself in joining directly to the 拓跋 emperor. In the backgroud of the 良奴 system's full scale appearance during 孝文帝's reformation, lay such a 鮮卑 spirit and the aim to intensify emperor's powerinter-twiningly.

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Epigaphical sources from the Northern Wei period reveal examples of the kingdom being referred to as "Dadal" 大代. During the Song period, Ou Yangxu 欧陽脩 pointed this fact out in his attempt to supplement the historiographical sources, but in the later research, no attempt was made to either list or analyze examples of the name "Dai," resulting in conflicting explanations : one that it is was a common usage, the other that is was not. The present article has gathered together and examined examples from both the historiography, including the Weishu 魏書, and the available epigraphical sources, resulting in the conclusion that even though the term "Dadai" can be found in the Suishu 随書, there is no example of the term in the Weishu (although Emperor Daowu 武道 did use the term Dawei 大魏 apparently). We do find the terms huandai 皇代 and youdai 有代. However, the former is not the name of a kingdom, but means "dynasty," while youdai was used for poetic purposes, leaving us with no concrete examples of their usage as names for the kingdom. On the other hand, Dadai appears frequently in the Northern Wei epigraphy, and from an analysis of four examples, the author concludes the following. With respect to form, examples appear on monuments and in epitaphs and Buddhist inscriptions. As to dating, the term was used beginning in the reign of Emperor Mingyuan 明元, increasing in frequency during Xiaowen's 孝文 reign, then continuing through the reign of Emperor Wen 文 of the Western Wei. Geographically, the examples are limited to the Northern Wei territory, mainly the caves of Yunkang 雲崗, Longmen 龍門 and Dunhuang 敦煌. The terms were used widely by high ranking imperial bureaucrats, Buddhist monks and commoners alike. The name Wei was established by Emperor Daowu as a diplomatic move to legitimize his kingdom vis-a-vis the Western Jin Dynasty. However, internally the term Dadai continued to be used, emphasizing its affiliation with the Dairen 代人, a group which had been formed as a means of integrating the people residing in the vicinity of Pingcheng 平城 during the transition from the Dai 代 Kingdom to the Northern Wei Dynasty.

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