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  • 五十嵐 仁
    社会政策学会誌
    2005年 13 巻 185-187
    発行日: 2005/03/31
    公開日: 2018/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木下 順
    社会政策学会誌
    2003年 10 巻 99-102
    発行日: 2003/09/25
    公開日: 2018/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 玉井 金五
    社会経済史学
    2006年 72 巻 2 号 235-237
    発行日: 2006/07/25
    公開日: 2017/08/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 粕谷 誠
    社会経済史学
    2006年 72 巻 2 号 233-235
    発行日: 2006/07/25
    公開日: 2017/08/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 堀口 良一
    社会政策学会誌
    2008年 19 巻 197-216
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2018/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Industrial Welfare Society (Sangyo-Fukuri Kyokai), founded in November 1925 and dissolved in March 1936, was an organization which aimed to promote the welfare of factory workers by taking measures to prevent occupational disasters and labor disputes. The Society began as an extra-departmental body of the Home Ministry and, after changing into a juridical foundation in February 1929, continued until it was incorporated into the Harmonization Society (Kyocho-Kai) in April 1936. This paper examines the relationship between the capital-labor cooperation and occupational safety during the prewar period by investigating how the Industrial Welfare Society performed in various areas involving personnel, finance, projects, and philosophy. First, the paper will argue that during this decade the Society was under the control of the Home Ministry's Social Affairs Bureau (Shakai-kyoku), and that, during this time, it was embarrassed by financial difficulties which were growing more and more serious due to the Society's dependence on membership fees which were not stable and not constantly increasing. In April 1936, the Industrial Welfare Society was merged with the Harmonization Society, and the former continued as the Department of Industrial Welfare of the latter. Second, this article maintains that while the Industrial Welfare Society tried to overcome its financial difficulties, the Harmonization Society branched out into new projects of industrial welfare and, as a result, the merger brought their interests together. Kawarada Kakichi (1886-1955), former chief director of the Industrial Welfare Society and managing director of the Harmonization Society, along with Gamo Toshibumi (1883-1966), activist of the Safety Campaign, both played prominent roles not only in the realization of the merger of 1936, but also in the activities of the Industrial Welfare Society. The Industrial Welfare Society had a profound effect on the Harmonization Society, not only in the sense that it caused the latter to make a policy about-face in 1936, but also in the sense that it led the Harmonization Society to emulate its philosophy. This was the philosophy that Kawarada shared with Gamo. In conclusion, the Industrial Welfare Society existed for the purpose of preventing labor disputes and occupational disasters. The Society tried to turn factories into arenas of social welfare for the factory workers, on the understanding that occupational safety is necessary for cooperation between capital and labor.
  • 大地主の土地運用と市街化過程との関係性の分析
    中村 景月, 田路 貴浩
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2020年 85 巻 777 号 2455-2465
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper focuses on the early modern urbanization process in the Higashi-Kujo area, the periphery of Kyoto, from the viewpoint of land ownership and land use. Shortly after World War II, extremely densely built up district and illegally occupied district formed in the area, so that the problem of a harsh living environment occurred. In addition, the area was subject to regional discrimination that originated in ethnic discrimination. The purpose of this study is to consider the factors that caused these urban problems through clarifying the urbanization process before the war.

     First, the rural structure before urbanization can be broadly divided into three areas: a village formed around the Takeda Street, and farmland spread east and west of the village. Comparing the farmland in the east and west, the east side of the village are relatively infertile, probably because the east side was the floodplain of the Kamogawa River. Lands in the village was owned by local owners, including small-scale landowners, while farmland in the east and west was owned by large-scale landowners, including absent landowners. In particular, Lands on the north side of the area near the old urban area tended to be owned by absent landowners. It shows that potential urbanization was proceeding ahead of urbanization. In the early Taisho era, factories were located around the villages, and Housing construction mainly in houses tenement houses rapidly progressed around these factories from the end of the Taisho era. However, some farmland and vacant land remained. Also, affected by the rural structure before urbanization, there was a difference in the development of the urban area between the east and west of Takeda Street. Because the southwestern part was more fertile than the east side, it was maintained as farmland. In other words, the east side, which was inferior as farmland, took the initiative in urbanization. In addition, in the margins of the formed urban area, small-scale defective housing districts are scattered, and they were also settlements of Koreans. Especially in the northeastern part of the area, which was close to pre-modern discrimination areas, the concentration of poor people led to the construction of public housing, social welfare facilities, and flophouse.

     Local landowners developed residential land following industrialization while securing the agricultural land in the southwestern part of the area to respond to the shift of the regional industrial structure from agriculture to industry. In addition, as poverty has increased, some have provided lands for the construction of social welfare facilities and public housing. However, each landowner had lands scattered throughout the area, so each landowner developed residential land individually. This is one of the factors that caused the poor residential area to remain small and scattered. On the other hand, some absent landowners were reluctant to convert to residential lands. Many lands continued to be held and remaining farmland was scattered. Especially in the northeastern part of the area, the remaining farmland and vacant land owned by absent landowners became all residential land after land readjustment beginning in the late 1930s and became a sink for extreme population inflow after the war.

  • 塩田 咲子
    社會政策学會年報
    1982年 26 巻 163-188
    発行日: 1982年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 3 号 419-381
    発行日: 2004/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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