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  • 大名留守居を通じてみたる
    服藤 弘司
    法制史研究
    1984年 1984 巻 34 号 47-77,en6
    発行日: 1985/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Edo Period State (Bakuhan System) was a feudal state based on the lord-vassal bond existing between the Shogun and Daimyos. In this system, the Tokugawa family was the acknowledged head of the warrior class, and exercised rights of national rule. However, within their own domains the Daimyos were allowed considerable "autonomy" (Jibun shioki-ken), giving the power structure of the Edo Period State a tiered, two-dimensional character. Also, besides the warrior class who held the actual power, the class of court aristocrats also continued to exist as a potentially legitimate claimant to wield real power. This situation resulted in introducing into the Edo Period State a complicated and potentially unstable element from its outset.
    The Daimyo's "Rusu'i" (Edo Representative; lit. "Caretaker") were the Han officials charged with staying on a permanent basis in Edo to maintain liaison and conduct negociations with the Bakufu, as part of the Daimyo's demonstration of their loyalty to the Bakufu. These Edo Representatives were familiar with the protocol and ceremonial of the Bakufu, and remained well-informed on its interal matters, so that the Daimyo's execution of their duties to the Bakufu was completely dependent on the advice and guidance of these Representatives, and the fate of each Han hang on the ability of its Edo Representatives. However, over and above this, the Edo Representatives, because of their unique role, were in a position to determine the fate of the Bakufu's own authority. That the Kyoto Court in the late Edo Period was able to gain the power exceeding that of the Bakufu was due in large to the efforts of these Representatives.
  • 中村光夫
    地域史研究
    2022年 2022 巻 122 号 59-77
    発行日: 2022/12/28
    公開日: 2023/02/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 山本 英貴
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 9 号 1574-1596
    発行日: 2012/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to examine the relationship between the Tokugawa Bakufu and Japan's feudal domains from the time of the Kansei Era reforms, which began in 1787, through the Kyowa Era, ending in 1804, by portraying a comprehensive picture of the scandal of 1801 involving feudal domain representatives stationed in Edo (rusui
    留守居
    ) and their concurrent punishment. The author begins by analyzing the Bakufu deliberations regarding how the rusui were to be punished, questioning of the suspects by Bakufu superintendent Inoue Moritoshi and Moritoshi's recommendations to top feudal domain officers concerning punishment, in order to understand the incident from beginning to end. Of the 59 top domain officers ordered to punish their rusui, 30 were feudal lords (daimyo 大名) who were in attendance before the Shogun in the Teikan Hall at Edo Castle, meaning that they had been allies (fudai 譜代) of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Next, the author turns to the developments within the feudal establishment after the incident and the problems facing the related research to date, which has been retarded due to historiographical reasons. In particular, the author points to the spontaneity with which the Teikan Hall daimyo chose to discipline their rusui, showing that there were those among them who were not marked for punishment, a fact which demonstrates the great impact which the scandal exerted on the feudal domains. Finally, the author examines reasons why the rusui under provincial scale (kunimochi 国持) daimyo and the Tokugawa Ieyasu family domains (gosanke 御三家) were not punished. He shows that punishing the kunimochi rusui would have dealt a serious blow to the Shogunates's prestige and authority, while punishing the gosanke rusui would have provided the pretense for the elders (tukekaro 付家老) of those domains, many of whom were descendants of fudai daimyo vassals, to elevate themselves to the level of "daimyo." The author concludes that while the Bakufu during the Kyowa Era exhibited a high degree of severity in dealing with the rusui scandal, it was also forced to give careful consideration to all of the affair's possible ramifications and nuances. Moreover, such thoroughness was a characteristic feature of Bakufu operations during that time and an important factor in its relationship with the country's feudal domains.
  • 三村 昌司
    東京未来大学研究紀要
    2014年 7 巻 165-175
    発行日: 2014/03/21
    公開日: 2018/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー

     近年公議所の研究は進展してきたが、誰がその役をつとめてきたかという基本的なデータについてはまとめられてこなかった。そこで本論文は、公議所とその後身である集議院の構成員(公議人・議員)について、明治2 年3 月、5 月、10 月の3つの段階でそれぞれ明らかにした。また、公議人は近世の江戸

    留守居
    役の系譜をひき、酒楼などで多くの会合を重ねる「茶屋政治」も引き継がれていることが指摘されてきた。しかし、
    留守居
    役組合と公議所分課の構成員をみると単純な連続性ではなく、近世以来のネットワークと公議所でのグルーピングが重層構造である可能性を指摘した。

  • 江戸時代法源史の一斑
    林 由紀子
    法制史研究
    1967年 1967 巻 17 号 75-129,ii
    発行日: 1967/10/20
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article "Bukki-sho" (a book on mourning) is a commentary or the collections of practical cases of the Bukki-ryô (_??__??__??_ the regulation of mourning). Bukki-ryô is a law that regulates how long a man must go into mourning when his relative such as his parent, grandparent, or first cousin dies. The Tokugawa Shogunate, that enacted the Bukki-ryô and put it in force, ordered that the questions on Bukki-ryô should be addressed to the Bukki-gakaris (_??__??__??_ the officials in charge of mouning) in Ometsuke (_??__??__??_Great Inspectors) and Metsuke (_??__??_ Inspectors) of the Shogunate. After that, many private compilations which collected those questions and answers were edited, and thus we can now find a lot of Bukki-shos.
    These Bukki-shos were one of the most important sources of law in the Edo era ; nevertheless, they have only remained the materials for the study of family law and they have not been regarded as an independent subject of study. The chief points of this essay are how the Bukki-shos in the Edo era were compiled, how many classes and genealogies they were assorted into, how they were circulated, and how questions and answers on the Bukki-ryô, which were the core of the Bukki-shos, were asked and given.
    Most of the existing Bukki-shos are manuscpripts and derivatives of the "Bukki-ryô senchû" _??__??__??__??__??_ or the "Bukki-ryô-shôkai" _??__??__??__??__??_ Accordingly we can regard these two genealogies as two main currents of the Bukki-shos. While the Bukki-ryô-shô-kai was compiled by Kagemichi Toyama _??__??__??__??_, the Bukki-gakari Metsuke (_??__??__??__??__??_ Inspector in charge of mourning), who was in a position to answer the questions on the mourning, edited for the convenience of performance of his official duty, the Bukki-ry ô-senchû was compiled by Shoemon Nagayama _??__??__??__??__??__??_, the Rusui (_??__??__??_ Deputy during Absence) of the Yamagata clan _??__??__??_, who was in a position to ask questions on the mourning on behalf of his clan, in 1781. And this was the oldest of the real Bukki-shos that were not only the collection of questions and answers but also commentaries. It came to circulate through a lot of clans, and many derivatives of it were made up. Sesaemon Katô, the Rusui of the Oshi clan _??__??_, edited the "Bukki-ryô-senchûbunshaku" _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, in which he revised and enlarged the Bukki-ryô-senchû completely, in cooperation with Dan-emon Yagi _??__??__??__??__??__??_, the Rusui of the Takasaki clan _??__??__??_, and the book also became popular.
    It may be said to be a most interesting fact that the real Bukki-sho was made by the clan earlier than by the Shogunate and was developed. And the fact that the Rusuis of clans made, improved and circulated these Bukki-syos show that Rusuis played an important role in making the law of the Shogunate permeate in clans.
  • 延享二年~寛延二年
    田中 丈敏
    若越郷土研究
    2018年 62 巻 2 号 41-60
    発行日: 2018/02/28
    公開日: 2024/12/25
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 須藤 義衞門
    應用獸醫學雑誌
    1929年 2 巻 3 号 214-216
    発行日: 1929/03/20
    公開日: 2008/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荒木 裕行
    論集きんせい
    2013年 35 巻 20-30
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2025/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金井 達雄
    交通史研究
    2001年 47 巻 53-72
    発行日: 2001/04/11
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西山 禎一
    都城工業高等専門学校研究報告
    2004年 38 巻 99-109
    発行日: 2004年
    公開日: 2020/03/31
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 小柏 典華, 光井 渉
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 738 号 2063-2070
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     Shiga-in Temple is a Tendai sect temple located in Sakamoto Otsu, Shiga Prefecture, Japan. While this structure was built in the first half of the 17th century, ruled over by the Rinnouzi-Monzeki priesthood who were of royal blood, it is currently the main temple of the Hiezan Enryakuji-temple concourse, the leading site of the Tendai sect, and at the same time is a residence for the Tendai master.
     Buildings constructed by Nikai-Syoin, Kyakuden, and Kuri can be found within the precincts of Shiga-in Temple; the Edo period buildings that were previously located on this site burned down during 1877.
     Early research on Shiga-in Temple initially assumed that the site functioned as a private academic training or retirement facility for Rinnouzi-Monzeki at Mt. Hieizan, and secondarily as an officially controlled temple. However, while these initial studies did partly discuss the function of Shiga-in Temple, no research to date has dealt with either the construction or management system of this site. This study uses newly available historical materials in the collection of Eizan Bunko on Hieizan Enryakuzi to clarify the management system and prefectural organization of the Shiga-in Temple.
     First, we demonstrate the presence of three organizations that controlled the operation of Shiga-in Temple, Tendaizasu, Rinnouzi-Monzeki, and Shiga-in Rusui. Of these, Tendaizasu was the top level of a sect denominated from ancient times in Hieizan, while Rinnouzi-Monzeki was the top level of the newly established Tendai sect denominated in Kanto. Finally, Shiga-in Rusui was a worker for an organization responsible for the temple of Hieizan Enryakuzi. Although previous research has argued that the Tendaizasu and the Rinnouzi-Monzeki were unified subsequent to the Edo period, the two organizations were formally at the top level of Shiga-in Temple. This is because these sects were always present in Kanto, while Shiga-in Temple was always managed by a Shiga-in Rusui on this mountain. Shiga-in Rusui was a priest appointed to fulfill a number of duties, including that of representing the temple in external relations, of serving as deputy for the head of the temple when he was absent, as well as managing internal tasks and receiving guests.
     The second aim of this study is an attempt to verify that Shiga-in Temple building was not reconstructed during the modern era. To do this, we used documents and pictures from historical records.
     Our analysis shows that building work at Shiga-in Temple started in 1645, and that initial restoration work was carried out in 1748, before large earthquakes occurred in 1751 and 1830. Documents and comparisons of pictorial records of construction show that six periods of restoration and maintenance work took place in the early Edo period. From 1744, four images provide evidence for this. The first shows the first restoration, and the second, from 1767, shows painting before repairs as a result of extensive restorations carried out by the shogunate government. The third image shows repairs carried out by the shogunate government in the 19th century, while the fourth is a picture from the Meiji era, towards the end of the Edo period. These images show the extent of restorations in each period up until the present.
     Historical documents and diary materials reveal that repair work to Shiga-in Temple was carried out repeatedly. In addition, using historical drawings, we are able to elucidate the appearance of Shiga-in Temple during each period of restoration work. For example, we are able to elucidate the construction of the precinct from historical drawings, and verify a group of northern boundaries as a Kyakuden, a Kosyoin, and a Kitchen, while a Nikai-syoin is represented by a group in the south.
  • 小不動 和明
    若越郷土研究
    2012年 57 巻 1 号 41-43
    発行日: 2012/08/30
    公開日: 2024/12/25
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 木土 博成
    大阪歴史博物館研究紀要
    2017年 15 巻 0101-0120
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2022/05/14
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 金行 信輔
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1999年 64 巻 516 号 223-228
    発行日: 1999/02/28
    公開日: 2017/02/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the Meireki Fire (1657), many daimyos received new estates from the Tokugawa shogunate to refuge from fire which were located in the suburbs of Edo city. In this process, the places were chosen on the dimyos' preferences and the shogunate adjusted their conflicts. The regulation of those estates fixed only dimensions, therefore the lack of deliberate city planning caused sprawl ad affected the suburban structure of Edo.
  • 吉田 正志
    法制史研究
    1977年 1977 巻 27 号 276-278
    発行日: 1978/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鴨頭 俊宏
    交通史研究
    2008年 66 巻 59-60
    発行日: 2008/08/31
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 早川 紀朱, 米澤 貴紀
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2024年 89 巻 824 号 1964-1975
    発行日: 2024/10/01
    公開日: 2024/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    The previous paper discussed the structures of 18 mountain monasteries at Hieizan-Enryakuji during the Tokugawa period. This paper discusses three renowned monasteries, Nankōbō, Shougaku-in, and Nichizou-in. Nankōbō burnt down in 1833. A comparison of the blueprints of Shougaku-in and Nichizou-in, planned as the replacements for Nankōbō, reveals Nankōbō’s role as a villa of Rinnōji-miya, the prince who ruled the whole of Tendai Buddhism through the Tokugawa period, including the requested rooms and the zoning according to the status of the users. Rich information in the blueprints has helped elucidate the everyday activities of the mountain-dwelling religious community in that period.

  • 中山 右尚
    近世文藝
    1975年 24 巻 34-55
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2017/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 和田 哲也
    日本体育学会大会号
    1988年 39A 巻 011B05
    発行日: 1988/08/20
    公開日: 2017/08/25
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 堀井 雅弘
    福井県文書館研究紀要
    2018年 15 巻 71-80
    発行日: 2018/03/23
    公開日: 2024/04/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
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