戦前から戦後にかけて母性主義論者、身の上相談の回答者として知られた山田わか（1879–1957）には、海外で苦界に身を置いていた過去がある。生前わかがそれを公言したことはなかったが、後年、婦人問題評論家になってからのわかは、自身の過去の経歴を思い起こさせたであろう公娼制や廃娼の問題にどのように取り組んできたのだろうか。わかの思想は、新婦人協会（平塚らいてう、市川房枝など）や廃娼運動への取り組みで知られる日本基督教婦人

と重なる部分も多いが、個人誌『婦人と新社会』で彼女の過去の経験が反映されているのではないかと思われるのは、売娼の犠牲者となる貧しい少女たちへの憐憫や、その境遇を生み出す公娼制を支配する権威への怒りを表出させたところにあると考えられる。

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The opening of Japan in the mid 19^th century encouraged Japanese women's emigration overseas.Because most of them engaged in prostitution abroad, the existence of these women, usually known as Karayuki, was the focal point of anti-prostitution criticisms in Japan from the early Meiji era. Moral advocates and anti-prostitution activists regarded their presence as a possible disgrace to the nation. However, their discursive circumstances changed in the Taisho era with the inflow and circulation of the ideas of eugenics, which were repeatedly featured in Kakusei, the official bulletin of Kakusei-kai, one of the most influential anti-prostitution organisations in Japan. In this paper I explore the way in which criticism of Karayuki by the anti-prostitution movement was incorporated into a narrative of eugenics, and how its discursive entity resulted in what can best be termed the alleged crisis of "blood purity" of the Japanese race in the Taisho era.

The ideas of eugenics provided theoretical background and offered a highly effective remedy for the anti-prostitution movement as an antidote against both licensed prostitution in the body politic of Japan and "unlicensed" prostitution abroad. By evoking hygienic images, the narratives of eugenics diagnosed prostitution and prostitutes as social pathogen. That is, as the main source of "venereal diseases" threatening "domestic purity." This perspective of racial contamination shaped a crucial aspect of anti-Karayuki criticism, which had never before been in focus: Karayuki's ignorance of interracial intercourse as a representation of an encroachment on the nation's racial purity. The scientific guise of eugenics manipulatively transformed the ethical discourse of sex and the moral discourse of prostitution into the obscure but evocative discourses of "blood," "race," and "national purity." Karayuki's sexual economy began to be imagined as the dismal locus of racial contamination, which then provoked severe assaults on Karayuki.

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This paper gives a brief outline of the Japan Rescue Mission by portraying its rescue work, and disbusses its role in the history of rescuing women in Japan. The Japan Rescue Mission, founded in 1920 by George Dempsie (year of birth and death unknown), an Evangelical missionary from Scotland, had the purpose of rescuing women from prostitution in Japan. In the 1920's the Mission founded a rescue home called Kyuaikan in Sendai, and another one called Jiaikan in Oaaka. These institutions achieved tremendous rescue work of many prostitutes. As the war situation turned worse, however, the Mission was forced to close these homes in 1931, only after twenty or so years of its rescue work. The rescue work of the Japan Rescue Mission is characterized by the following : (1) They conducted their rescue work as religious practices, that is, to save the souls of women. (2) Financially, they entirely depended on foreign funds. (3) The mission was an exclusive organization. (4) The cooperation with Osaka Fujin Home, an institution of Japan Women's Christian Temperance Union, was indispensable to the Mission's rescue work. The Japan Rescue Mission played an important role in the history of rescuing women in Japan, together with Japan Women's Temperance Union and the Salvation Army. Compared with the latter two institutions, the Mission's work was characteristically more religious, for the salvation of the souls.

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear the evolution and logic of the repeal movement against licensed prostitution by the Japan Women's Christian Temperance Union (JWCTU) during the 1930s in Nagano prefecture. At that time licensed prostitution was declining, while, according to the newspapers, "modern" private prostitution solicited by hostesses in cafes was increasing. In Nagano Prefecture, a motion in the prefectural assembly calling for the repeal of licensed prostitution was passed in 1930. At the same time, a motion permitting and regulating private prostitution tacitly was passed. After that, the prefecture and the police required cafe hostesses to pay a tax and be inspected for venereal disease. The JWCTU, which made much of monogamy and child-rearing, insisted that licensed prostitution was sexism and exerted a bad influence on children, because it encouraged human traffic, venereal disease, and demoralization. Therefore, the JWCTU felt that repealing licensed prostitution was the first thing to do to root out all prostitution, and lobbying passage of the motion against licensed prostitution was given the highest priority. In order to get the support of the many members in the prefectural assembly who were not against prostitution, the repealers changed the main point of the motion; but this change was only a strategy, as the goals of the movement themselves did not change. The fact that the JWCTU was against a motion reflecting licensed brothel keepers' interests proves this point. After the passage of the motion, the JWCTU held a lecture on sex education attempting to improve girls' self-confidence about sex and boys' respect for girls. The idea of sex education in the 1930s was almost the same as the logic of the repeal movement during the 1920s. The plan of a "women's home" was also based on this idea of sex education. On the other hand, the idea of sex education encouraged the JWCTU to demand to the regulation of hostesses and cafes, in order to keep them out of their residential areas.

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久布白落実は廃娼運動・売春防止法制定運動,それらの善後策として性教育への取り組み等を通して,性をめぐる諸問題に取り組んだ婦人運動家である.それらと関連し,久布白は占頷下において発生した「混血児問題」にも関心を寄せ,その問題に熱心に取り組んだ.久布白は「混血児」の養育に直接携わったわけではないが,その数を正確に把握することによって,問題の実態をつかんでいった.当初は「混血児」が孤児であることを問題と考えていたが,実態を把握するにつれ,政府や社会が光を当てていなかった,片親が養育している「混血児」に対する認知と扶助の必要性を認識し始めた.久布白がアメリカの宣教師モルフィと連携しその認知と扶助の斡旋を行ったことは,「混血児」の母親の権利擁護という視点から考えても意義深いものと思われる.また,混血児問題への取り組みを通して,性の問題に関する日本の戦争責任や平和への認識を深めていった.

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  本論文は、義務教育とも音楽の専修課程とも異なる環境である女学校で音楽を学んだ日本人女性の卒業後の暮らしにとり入れられた音楽について明らかにすること、音楽の演奏を主たる目的としない生活空間としての住宅（あるいは家庭）のなかで実践された音楽について明らかにすることを目的とする。
  上記の目的を遂げるため、松山女学校と神戸女学院を卒業した駒井静江を事例に、家族新聞『団欒』に掲載されたアメリカ紀行や、国内外で収集された楽譜資料を調査した。
  第１の目的については、結婚するまでの間、出身校に加え日ノ本女学校で英語や音楽を教えて後進の日本人女性の教育を支えていたこと、また、遺伝生物学者の夫駒井卓の海外赴任に伴ってニューヨークに滞在する間、週に2回のピアノのレッスンを受け、音楽会に通って多様な時代・国の作品を鑑賞し、同地で活動する同時代の作曲家の作品も含む楽譜を収集するなど、豊かな音楽経験を積んでいた実情が明らかとなった。
  第２の目的については、アメリカから来日したW. M. ヴォーリズWilliam MerrellVories（1880～1964）に自宅の設計を依頼し、などの社会活動に精力的にとり組むなかで、ピアノや蓄音器を囲むひとときを夫婦で楽しんでいたことが明らかとなった。
  これまでの洋楽受容史研究では、日本の家庭に備えられたピアノは、中流階級以上のステータスシンボルとして論じられることが多かった。国内外でピアノのレッスンを受けた静江の事例は、既往研究からはみえてこない音楽との向き合い方を具体的に示す貴重な存在である。本調査を教養教育としての音楽、生涯教育としてのピアノについて学術的に考えていく緒として位置づけ、20世紀前半の日本人による自主的な西洋音楽の学びについて解き明かしていくことを今後の課題とする。

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The purpose of this study is to analysis the discourse of purity education.

In Japan, sex education was first included in the public school system under the framework of “purity education,” which required children to maintain chastity. The “purity” prescribed therein has since been criticized as a gender-oppressive moral norm that was considered more important for women than for men. However, it has also been noted that “gender-equal purity” was the dominant theme in the discourse on sexuality at that time.

When only the 22 major publications on purity education were analyzed, the discourse was found to contain no clear emphasized indications of a double standard in gender norms. Conversely, nine publications noted that under the postwar democratization policy, the concept of purity was one that applied to both sexes, and three of these actively sought to redress social inequalities and promote “gender-equal purity.” Nevertheless, promotion of “gender-equal purity” was not discussed in publications issued by the Japanese Ministry of Education, and discourse critical of the double standard aimed at promoting “gender-equal purity” did not come to dominate. Instead, the dominant discourse was one that treated the female body as a “childbearing, child-rearing body.”

Through the incorporation in physical education of eugenics, population problems, and this discourse in purity education of the “childbearing, child-rearing body,” a course of Health and Physical Education was created that had “biopolitical” as well as “anatomo-political” power. However, the separation of “physical purity” and “spiritual purity,” which was part of the discourse on purity education, also served as an opportunity to develop a counter-discourse. That is to say, the more prominent the discourse on purity education became, the more it undermined its own foothold to become a factor that facilitated the shift to sexology-oriented sex education.

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本稿を含む3つの論考は、自由学園草創期（1921 年～1930年代前半）におけるキリスト教とそれに基づいた教育を、創立者羽仁もと子（旧姓松岡、1873–1957）・吉一（1880–1955）のキリスト教信仰との関係において検討することを目的とする。なかでも羽仁夫妻における「自由」と「独立」への関心に焦点をあてる。本稿では3つの論考に共通する問題意識を明らかにするとともに、最初の課題として松岡もと子、羽仁吉一の青年時代とキリスト教との出会いについて扱う。 羽仁もと子・吉一夫妻は、自身の信仰の事業として自由学園を設立した。その教育理念はキリスト教を土台としていたが、その最初期には直接的にキリスト教を標榜せず、当初は形の定まった礼拝も行われなかった。また、校名「自由」の意味をヨハネ伝との関係で定式的には語らなかった。羽仁夫妻は「自由」を自由学園の教育と宗教に深く関わるものとして、すなわち自由学園を名指すもの、決してとりさることのできないものとして堅持し、戦時下の校名変更の圧力に対してもこれに応じなかった。この「自由」は戦後もなお自由学園にとって問題（課題）でありつづけた。「自由」は自由学園の教育とキリスト教を考える上でキーワードとなるものだが、その含意は必ずしも自明ではない。 本稿を含む3つの論考では、「自由学園のキリスト教」を考えるために、まず自由学園の草創期（1921 年～1930 年代前半）を検討範囲とし、これを検討するために3 つの側面を取り上げる。 （1）松岡もと子、羽仁吉一の青年時代とキリスト教との出会い （2）羽仁もと子、吉一の出版事業とキリスト教との関わり （3）羽仁夫妻の「信仰の事業」としての自由学園創立とそのキリスト教

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