The year 2015 will be remembered by Singaporeans for its grand celebration of the nation’s 50th year of independence, as well as the demise of founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. It was also the year the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) recaptured its electoral domination in Singapore’s 12th general election,which saw the PAP receiving a popular vote of 69.9%. In the 2011 general election, it received only 60.1% of the popular vote, the lowest since the nation’s independence. This paper analyses the unexpected results of the 2015 election and considers its impact on the authoritarian political regime.

Several reasons can be attributed to the improved showing of the PAP: (1) the PAP’s adaptability in the forms of pragmatic policy shifts including policy responses to xenophobic sentiments among citizens and the integration of foreigners, and attempts to increase the healthcare budget, (2) municipal concerns in relation to the alleged mismanagement of a town council run by the Workers’ Party (the biggest opposition party which won 6 seats in the 2011 election and won the by-election in 2013), (3) the “SG50 effect”—Singapore’s year-long celebration of her 50th year of independence and the “Lee Luan Yew effect”—the mass mourning and subsequently yearning for the late Mr. Lee Kuan Yew’s memory, (4) the PAP’s better, effective and well financed use of social media, and (5) international factors such as the economic downturn in China and political instability in Thailand and Malaysia. These factors must have pushed Singaporeans to turn back to the safety of the only party they had known.

The 2015 general election shows that the PAP’s dominance and its authoritarian governance remain very much entrenched. For the foreseeable future, general elections will not be about replacing the PAP as the ruling party but more of a national referendum about the PAP’s performance. Still the PAP government has to tackle several issues it has neglected or avoided for long time. These include improving the economic and social conditions of the Malay community in Singapore and re-examining the government’s top-down manufactured ethnic identity (CMIO classification) precisely because many citizens have started to display hints of a popular nationalism and discuss how to forge their own sense of identity and nationalism. The government also needs to pay more attention to greater desire for freedom of expression while it has to find the right balance in managing the internet in recent years. It will endeavor to allow a relatively free flow of ideas while still censoring contents that it sees as a threat to the government.

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From the psychiatric point of view, 198 cases of divorce from the village zone in S. prefecture placed near to Tokyo were in vestigated.
In this district, the manner of life is comparatively modernised and the degree of culture is rather high but in the manners or customs, especially in the feeling about marriage, between the bride and her mother-in-law there is yet the custom of the priniciple of family first or like the old feudal custom.
The will or hope of the people who want marriage is not highly valued, many people are completed to marry for the hope of the family, the term of each intercourse after the first interview is short in many cases, there are remarkably many cases like this among the divorced.
In occuring from the factors of divorce, 198 cases are classified in 7 groups.
After omitting the 2 groups, namely the group based on illness (D group) and on poverty (E group), another cases are divided into 2 large groups: the I st large group is chracterized by the failure in human relationship between the husband and wife or interfamiliar persons (P. & So. groups). The 2nd large group is characterized by the deviated personality (I., G. & Sx groups). In the P. & So. groups there are many cases of the so-called interview marriage after the short term intercourse.
Their human relationship from the victimological point of view is also reserched. About the I., G. & Sx. groups we valued it applying the Glueck's theory of prediction of crime after making a decision of the defects causing divorces.
As the result, we thought that, in these groups (esp. in I & G), the predicition of divorce could be previously established before such events.

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This is one of the attempts to present lexical evidence relating Japanese to the Austronesian languages. Most of the Old Japanese (OJp.) kinship terms are, according to the author, derivative from or cognate with Proto-Austronesian (PAN) or its branches Proto-Indonesian (PIN), Proto-Eastern-Oceanic (PEO), and Proto-Polynesian (PPN), as follows : 1.1. OJp. titi, ti 'father, forefather' <*tu-i (*i=suffix forming the independent form of a noun) : PAN tuqa 'old ; father, forefather.' 1.2. OJp. fafa, fa 'mother' ; cf. ModJp. paipai 'mother's breast' : PAN bayi 'mother ; motherly. ' 2.1. OJp. omo 'mother,' the nasal form (n. f.) of OJp. ofo- 'grand-' : Malay (Ml.) empuan 'woman', probably : PAN e(m)pu 'grandmother, grandfather.' 2.2. OJp. ofodi 'grandfather' <*ofo-ti, ofoba 'grandmother' <dfolfa : PAN e (m)pu 'grandmother, grandfather.' 3.1. OJp. kaso 'father': Ml. ketua 'elder,' Maori katua 'full-grown, adult, of animals' : PAN ka- prefix, PAN tuqa 'old ; father.' 3.2. OJp. iro- 'maternal' ; cf. OJp. ira 'descent from a royal family' : the Banks Island languages iro 'personal article feminine,' ira 'personal article plural.' 4.1. ModJp, toto 'father' <*tu (reduplicated) : PAN tuqa 'father.' 4.2. ModJp. kaka 'mother': PAN kaka 'elder sister.' Cf. Fiji (Fi.) tua-ha 'elder brother, elder sister': PAN tuqa-kaka. 5.1. OJp. oya 'parent' <*oyo-a (-a=noun-forming suf.) <*moηtua : Ml. me-nua-kan 'let s. t. grow older, riper' <*meη-tua-han (*meη-=verbalizing pref., *.-kan transitive suf.) 5.2. OJp. ko 'child, son, ago 'dear child, dearest,': PAN a (η)ken 'mine' ; cf. Dayak aken 'nephew, niece.' 5.3. OJp. mago 'grandchild' : PAN makempu 'grandchild.' 6.1' OJp. mama 'step-', n. f. of *fafaru : PIN balu 'step-.' 6.2. OJp. mama 'foster mother', ModJp. child 1. mama 'food' : PAN mamaq: PPN mama 'food which, after being chewed, is to be fed to a baby.' 7.1. OJp. ani 'elder brother' : PAN Rani 'manly.' 7.2. OJp. ane 'elder sister' <*anne <*manne <*mamine, n. f. of *fafi,ee : PlN babi 'womanly,' PAN binay 'woman' : PPN fafine 'woman.' 8.1. OJp. ye 'elder brother of a man, elder sister of a woman' <*yd <*ntua : Ml. tua 'elder of the two' : PEO tuaka 'elder brother of a man, elder sister of a woman.' 8.2. OJp. oto 'younger brother of a man, younger sister of a woman' <*uto by vowel alternation (v. a.) <*uta : PAN uda 'young' ; Ml. muda 'younger of the two' <m-uda. 9. 1. OJp. se 'brother of a woman, husband' <*so : PAN tuqa : PEO tua 'father, man.' Cf. OJp. se, so 'the back ; remoter side' : PEO tua 'the back ; remoter side.' 9.2. OJp. imo 'sister of a man ; wife,' n. f. of *ifo : PAN ibu 'mother.' 10. OJp. tuma 'spouse' : PAN teman 'companion' 11.1. OJp. wo 'man, husband' <*mpu : PAN pu 'gentleman' 11.2. OJp. me 'woman, wife' <?*mi, n. f. *fi : PAN binay 'woman' 12.1. OJp. wotoko 'man, husband,' woto <*mputo 'young, marriageable,' v. a. of *mputa ; -ko 'man' : PAN buza 'young, marriageable, 12.2. OJp. wonna, womina 'girl' <mpomina : PPN fafine 'woman' 13.1. OJp. tozi 'mistress' <*tunsi: PAN tu(n) zuk : PPN tusi 'to bewitch s. o. by pointing at him ; sorcery, priest' 13.2. OJp. nusi 'master, minister,' n. f. of *tusi : PAN tu (n)zuk : PPN

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The Batangan is a large pagan group, still unstudied, who numbers approximately 3, 000 persons. It is the primary purpose of this paper to raise problems about bilateral social organization which is found througout the Philippines. Batangan social structure is of considerable interest as it appears to provide a variant of cognatic societies. Although there are widespread similarities among the peoples who speak of themselves as Batangan, or Taobuid, there are sub-cultural and social distinctions. The initial work among the Batangan has been concerned with distinctions between two groups--Bayanan and Saragan--and their relationships with the larger Filipino society. And in this paper the writer is concerned with two specific problems : (1) the emergence of the formal leader and his household-line among them. It is the hypohtesis in this paper that these are equivalent ; and, (2) the social mechanism for inheriting ritual paraphernalia and the succession to magico-religious office.

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I We, Japanese, have had the custom of levirate marriage since a long time ago. Its common type is a junior levirate as it is called " ototo naoshi " in Japanese. It would not specially have a different character from the other marriages, if it were done by the complete willingness of the two parties ; a dead man's wife and her brother-in-law. However, it would be better to think that levirate marriage is given a special meaning by law, when it was prohibited, permitted in only a special case or permitted. This is the first reason why this work aims at levirate marriage.
II Japanese Civil Code (1898) was enacted, having a powerful insistence, which the code should not take laws and customs of Common people in it, but the ones of Samurai, a back ground. Such an insistence bore its fruit in " Ie " system in the code, but it could not bear in a day.
Meiji Reformatory Government tried to enforce laws and customs of Samurai on lives of Common people, under the rule of it, from the beginning of its existence. In spite of such an attempt of the government, the Civil Code (1898) had taken in it, not only laws and customs of Samurai, but also ones of Common people which is opposite to Samurai's. Some laws and customs of Common people were taken in the code so as to strengthen " Ie " system. It is important to study a process, in which such ones of Common people were taken in the code. This work is tried to investigate such a process.
III In Tokugawa-Shogunate, law prohibited Samurai class from levirate marriage. It seems that this prohibition aimed at keeping up the orders of families of Samurai. On the contrary, Common people had customs of levirate marriages in order to support their properties and callings. And law seemed to permit such customs.
In Meiji era, Reformatory Government perfectly prohibited levirate marriage and the other similar ones by Act of " Dajokan " on the 8 th of December in the 8th year of Meiji (1875). It may be said that this prohibitory act was one of the laws of Samurai, the government tried to enforce on lives of Common people, and of the policies so as to keep up the orders of their families as counter-plans against the bad things of those days. This act, however, have had contradictions ; it stresses the marriage customs of Common people to support their properties and callings, and decreases their capacities for paying taxes in the end. And there was no way but removing this prohibition in order to dissolve such contradictions.
IV The movement into such removal of this prohibition began to appear in about the last half of 15th year of Meiji (1882). Then after, levirate marriage was becoming to be permitted step by step. At the first step, it was permitted so far as the government admitted the case specially. The case for the government to permit it specially, was one, in which property or calling of a family could not be supported, unless a levirate marriage was done. Such a change of attitude of the government towards levirate marriage had reflected the change of its policy. At that time, the government could not help changing its policy into ones which support properties and callings of families of Common people. Because " the Fights against the Government for Freedom and Human Rights of Common people" had rooted in the poverties which were due to the in-solvencies of the people, their insolvencies were owing to former policies of the government.

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El presente articulo se basa en las investigaciones que fueron llevadas a cabo en los anos 1964-1966 en la comunidad de Socos, un pueblo indigena localizada en el Departamento de Ayacucho en la zona de la sierra central de los Andes. Socos presenta una altura aproximada de 3,300 metros sobre el nivel del mar, se halla en posicion S.O. con respecto a la ciudad de Ayacucho, capital del Departamento y a 20 kilometros de ella; es un pueblo agricola por excelencia, cultivandose: maiz, trigo, cebada, quinua, papas, etc. Segun el Censo Nacional de 1961, la poblacion es de 1,524 habitantes repartidos en 352 familias. A pesar de que Socos es relativamente grande con respecto a las otras comunidades vecinas, no presenta diferencias basicas qus la hagan sobresalir de ellas. En este articulo analizamos el sistema de parentesco y la estructura de la comunidad local relacionandolos con el proceso de las ceremonias matrimoniales, que fueron observadas en Socos. Este analisis puede ser una clave para entender la estructura de la comunidad indigena en general. Al analizar minuciosamente todo el proceso matrimonial, encontramos varios elementos tradicionales, al mismo tiempo hallamos fenomenos caracteristicos propios que deben ser relacionados con la estructura del pueblo de hoy, entre estos se encuentran: 1.-En el proceso matrimonial hay igualdad de participacion por parte del novio y de la novia. 2. -Al parecer se forman dos grupos: uno del novio y el otro de la novia, pero en realidad cada individuo, segun su "kinship status" referido al novio o la novia, participa y acua en las ceremonias, por ejemplo, en el "Perdonakuy". 3. -Estas ceremonias de matrimonio se realizan debido a la cercania de las dos partes. Los fenomenos mencionados estan en relacion con la estructura social de este pueblo, como, veremos en: 1.-Equilibrio de status social entre el hombre y la mujer. El status social de la mujer no es bajo, si vemos su participaci6n en las reuniones del pueblo, su derecho de herencia, su rol como medio de comunicacion en el pueblo y su actividad en la vida economica familiar. 2. -Parentesco bilateral. El principio bilateral es dominante.

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