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  • 久保田 裕次
    史学雑誌
    2023年 132 巻 1 号 1-38
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2024/01/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿の目的は、満蒙問題に注目し、新四国借款団の結成過程における日本の国際関係や対中国政策の特質を再検討することである。本稿の視角は以下の三点である。第一に、旧借款団(六国借款団を起源とする)と新借款団との関係である。第二に、旧借款団の中心的な存在であったイギリスの動向である。第三に、日本国内の政策主体の相互関係である。
     原敬内閣は、満蒙を地域として新借款団の事業範囲から除外する概括主義を閣議決定した。シベリア出兵が行われているなか、特に田中義一陸相は日本の国家的前途という観点から満蒙の重要性を説明し、概括主義を主張した。原内閣は英米に満蒙の概括的除外を要求した。これに対し、英米はともに日本の要求に反対した。しかし、「勢力圏」認識に基づき、イギリス外交は次第に方針を転換し、日本と満蒙との特殊な関係に理解を示すようになった。
     しかし、原内閣は新借款団への参加を正式に決定しなかった。なぜなら、同時期にイギリス政府は500万ポンド借款を提案し、この借款の条件のなかに寺内正毅内閣の支援によって創設された中国の参戦軍を解散することが含まれており、日本陸軍の反発を引き起こしたからであった。イギリス外交は新借款団結成の遅延を懸念し、参戦軍の解散を500万ポンド借款の条件から撤回した。その結果、原内閣は満蒙の概括的除外を譲歩した一方、「満蒙の鉄道利権」を新借款団の事業範囲から除外するように主張した。英米は日本の要求を認めることはできず、結局、日本が洮熱鉄道を提供することで妥協した。
     日本が新借款団に参加する際、国外ではイギリスによる日本と満洲との特殊な関係の承認、国内では陸軍の利害関係が重要な判断基準となっていた。特に後者は、旧借款団の結成時と比較すると、特徴的である。また、原内閣は国際協調をとりつつも、中国情勢の変化にともない、干渉政策を実施していたのであった。
  • 守川 正道
    国際政治
    1973年 1973 巻 48 号 157-161
    発行日: 1973/05/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 初瀬 龍平
    史学雑誌
    1977年 86 巻 5 号 647-651
    発行日: 1977/05/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 有泉 貞夫
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 5 号 728-734
    発行日: 1984/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小黒 浩司
    図書館学会年報
    1987年 33 巻 3 号 97-110
    発行日: 1987年
    公開日: 2021/11/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    As Japanese government forced the 21 demands on Chinese government, there arouse an Anti-Japan movement in China. Japan gave up to claim the Boxer indemnities and in 1923 it started “the Cultural Work for China”, but the Chinese people rejected the Japanese project, because they thought it a kind of cultural invasion. A joint committee of both countries was organized to take the Chinese opinions into consideration, and planned to establish a library of ancient Chinese books in Pei-ching, but because of Chi-nan Incident in 1928, the project broke down.
    In October 1935,Japan made a new plan of establishing a Japanese library in Pei-ching for reconstruction of the Japanese cultural works in China. This library was called the Modern Science Library Pei-ching. Saburo Yamamuro was appointed to the director. The preparation works went on and the library was opened on December 5th, 1936.
    After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in July 1937, this library promoted the active services, such as instruction of Japanese language, editting and publishing the text books in Japanese language, and various exhibitions. But Chinese people opposed these library activities. On September 27th, 1938, someone set fire to the library building. As the war went on, the library service was reduced to the minimum, and in 1945, the year of the defeat of Japan, the library was closed.
  • バールィシェフ エドワルド
    ロシア史研究
    2009年 84 巻 4-13
    発行日: 2009/06/16
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 阿部 洋
    日本の教育史学
    1978年 21 巻 38-53
    発行日: 1978/09/15
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 斎藤 聖二
    国際政治
    1986年 1986 巻 83 号 143-161
    発行日: 1986/10/18
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本外交の非正式チャンネル
    斎藤 聖二
    国際政治
    1983年 1983 巻 75 号 12-29,L6
    発行日: 1983/10/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    General Terauchi Masatake's Cabinet, formed in October 1916, sought to strengthen and exert control over the still feeble Tuan Ch'i-jui government in Peking through large-scale financial loans—the idea which the general's personal confident, Nishihara Kamezo, had envisaged for some time. Nishihara, consultant to the Seoul Chamber of Commerce in Japanese-occupied. Korea, became highly influential in Tokyo's political circles through his friendship established in Seoul with Terauchi and Shoda Kazue, both Governor-Generals of Korea at different times.
    Because of the personal confidence of Terauchi, who became the prime minister, and Shoda, the finance minister in Terauchi's Cabinet, he was able to act as an effective emissary to negotiate for the so-called Nishihara Loan by way of establishing a Bank of Transportation in China. Nishihara succeeded through informal channels, different. from the formal ones used by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Tuan government, suffering from financial difficulties, welcomed the funds.
    The Terauchi Cabinet further attempted to induce the Tuan government to join the allies and declare war against Germany. This was difficult as such a formal request to Tuan would prompt further loan requests as a condition. Skillful maneuvering was required to avoid such an occurrence. Nishihara, again as Terauchi's emissary, successfully helped accomplish this delicate task. This time he cooperated with the Foreign Ministry in using informal channels earlier established for intelligence-gathering purposes by the Imperial Army's General Staff Office.
    In delicate international situations, the Tuan and Terauchi governments wanted to avoid giving the other major powers the impression that they were conducting official negotiations on the issues mentioned above. There lay the role of informal contact-makers, which both sides found useful and desirable. Being in a unique position as Terauchi's trusted confident, Nishihara, who had no official position, played a significant role in promoting Japanese political interests in China in the late 1910s.
  • 拙著『近代日本の外交史料を読む』に即して
    熊本 史雄
    外交史料館報
    2023年 36 巻 1-25
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/07/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 日本外交史研究 外交と世論
    岡本 俊平
    国際政治
    1970年 1970 巻 41 号 1-22
    発行日: 1970/04/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 誠三郎
    年報政治学
    1969年 20 巻 99-144
    発行日: 1970/05/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国分 航士
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 4 号 479-505
    発行日: 2010/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Article 30 of the Meiji Constitution pertaining to petitions filed by imperial subjects specified that "rules" for concrete procedures were to be established; and the Parliament Act (Gi'inho 議院法) concerning petitions to the congress, and the Petitions Act (Seiganrei 請願令) pertaining to petitions filed with the Emperor and administrative bureaus were promulgated as a result. This article examines the process of promulgating the Petitions Act by discussing why the act was passed in 1917. in addition, the article discusses the new link that was established between the Emperor and his subjects (or rather, the nation) through the enactment of the petition system through an examination of the conditions before, during and after the enactment of the Constitution. Because the act of petitioning the Emperor was prohibited prior to the Constitution's enactment, focus was placed more on appeals to administrative bureaus at that time. However, in the process of enacting the Constitution and studying European practices, petitioning the Emperor came to be interpreted as being important as petitioning the legislature and administrative bureaus. After the Constitution was enacted, petitioning the Emperor became the subject of a debate between Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) and Ito Miyoji (伊東巳代治) within the process of preparing an imperial household system. The argument concerned how petitioning should be understood in terms of the "will of the people": Would it be a means of "procuring the will of the people" or "probing the will of the people?" Furthermore, heated debates arose on how the Emperor and the legislature should be positioned within the framework of the Constitution. For example, what would be the interrelationship between petitioning the two (i.e., expressing the "will of the people") and perceptions concerning the relationship between the monarch and his subjects. The promulgation of the Petitions Act was also interpreted as a measure responding to a changing society and as a law protecting the rights of imperial subjects. Consequently, the Petitions Act, which attempted to systematically lay out the petition process, was a piece of legislation that "probed the will of the people" and, as a matter, was the first law of its kind to do so under the Constitution. Furthermore, the Act represented a new linkage between the Emperor and the nation, through the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, who was put in charge of handling petitions filed with the Emperor.
  • 戦後日本の国際政治学
    臼井 勝美, 安岡 昭男, 池井 優, 波多野 澄雄, 増田 弘, 宇野 重昭, 横山 宏章, 中見 立夫, 植田 隆子, 佐々木 雄太, 油井 大三郎, 福田 茂夫, 草間 秀三郎, 佐藤 信一
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 2-107,L4
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Japan Association of International Relations, which was established in 1956, considers one of its main objectives to contribute to the progress of the study of the history of international relations, in paticular to research into the history of Japanese diplomacy. Japan's Road to the Pacific War is a representative example of what can be done by the joint endeavour of this association.
    We would like to point out, as a specific characteristics of recent research on the history of international relations, firstly, a tendency to remove the limitations which are encountered by a study of so called “diplomatic history” in isolation from everything else.
    We would like to examine the change from the move traditional approaches, which have emphasized only bilateral or multilateral relations between states, to the more modern, original approaches. The interest of researchers will be to cover a wide area of historical phenomena, such as the political decision-making process, public opinion, economic pressure groups and the process of communication amongst other things.
    The second characteristic has been the flowering of collaborative reserch between Japanese and foreign scholars, and we are now receiving the excellent results of their labours. For instance, the conference at Lake Kawaguchi in 1969, the result of which was, “The history of Japanese-American Relations, 1931-41” is a representative example of this trend. However, it is regrettable that the participants in these collaborative research projects have been mainly limited to Japanese and American scholars. It is to be hoped that, in future, there will be further opportunities for collaborative research and conferences not only with American scholars, but also with scholars from China, England, Korea, the Soviet Union and South East Asia.
    We hope the future tendency of research will be for the themes of the role and limitation of the individual in international affairs, as well as the problem of individual responsibility, to become the common interest of scholars.
    We hope that, in future, the increasing variety of scholarship will not become merely scattered and diffused.
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