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  • ―クラスター弾に関する条約成立の含意―
    足立 研幾
    国際安全保障
    2009年 36 巻 4 号 61-82
    発行日: 2009/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際秩序と国内秩序の共振
    西谷 真規子
    国際政治
    2007年 2007 巻 147 号 95-115,L11
    発行日: 2007/01/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    A transnational social movement (TSM) which aims at institutionalizing a normative international policy can successfully affect the process of making a multilateral agreement which embodies certain international norm through the mechanism of domestic-international dynamic interplay.
    TSMs promote an international agreement making by building and keeping international political momentum. The momentum induces opportunistic states to bandwagon the norm entrepreneurs including the TSM's policy even in the absence of domestic pressure, hence an international norm cascade. It also gives an impetus to states which have opposed the policy to change their policy in favor of the TSM if in so doing they think it will enhance their international reputation.
    The vulnerability of a state's reputation is determined by both the degree of its perceived need for international image as a good neighbor and the domestic vulnerability of national decision-makers. If the state opposing the policy feels its international reputation is at stake, the international norm cascade will put both domestic and international pressure on the state to change its policy.
    Strong momentum thus boosts the TSM's leverage against governments whose reputations are vulnerable by encouraging decision-makers to compromise with the TSM, and by increasing the political legitimacy of the movement itself. This increasing legitimacy gives an incentive to domestic political actors to stand on the side of the TSM, which in turn further strengthens its political leverage. Once the opposing state revises its policy in favor of the TSM's policy, the international momentum will become even greater.
    Thus, on the one hand, increased international momentum not only improves the international political opportunity structure for the TSM, but also affects the size of the domestic winning coalition and of the political resources available to it. On the other hand, the momentum will be significantly strengthened if a powerful state which has opposed the policy changes its position in response to domestic and international pressures. This demonstrates the interplay between domestic and international politics in the process of multilateral agreement making.
  • 国際政治研究の先端4
    足立 研幾
    国際政治
    2007年 2007 巻 148 号 104-117,L13
    発行日: 2007/03/08
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    International treaties such as the 1992 Chemical Weapons Convention and the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty came into force after the end of the Cold War. Subsequently, the United Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms and the Fifth Protocol to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons were adopted in 2001 and 2003 respectively. Movements to form or strengthen international regimes have been increasingly visible over the last 10 years even in international security issue areas, where it is believed international cooperation is rarely achieved. Formations of these regimes seem to be related to each other. However, scant attention has been paid to the interactions among various international regimes. This article tries to assess how international regimes are changing and how new international regimes are established by focusing on the dynamic interactions among various international regimes on Conventional Weapons.
    International regimes are not independent from each other. The members of the international regimes are constituted from among some 200 nationstates. Quite a few international NGOs are involved in more than one international regime at the same time. Considering the same representatives from those nation states and international NGOs attend a couple of different regime meetings on similar topics, it is natural that changes within one regime or the formation of a new international regime influences the other regimes. This article demonstrates that interactions among international regimes, especially among those on conventional weapons, have become much denser, after the formation of the Mine Ban Treaty in 1997. Inspired by the successful formation of the Mine Ban Treaty, some international NGOs as well as nation states are trying to apply the lessons learned from the treaty formation process, the so-called Ottawa Process, to other issue areas, while others are trying to prevent another Ottawa Process from happening.
    This article tries to clarify how the balance between “national security” and “humanitarian consideration” in conventional governance has shifted, due to the interactions among international regimes. Also, this article shows that after the formation of the Mine Ban Treaty, the roles of international NGOs are growing increasingly important in regime formation processes as well as in regime implementation. Although it remains unclear if such a trend will continue, analyses focusing on interactions among international regimes seem viable understanding both changes and developments related to conventional weapons governance.
  • ―オスロ・プロセスをめぐる言説の分析―
    福田 毅
    国際安全保障
    2010年 37 巻 4 号 67-87
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―事後措置重点化による武力紛争法への影響―
    仲宗根 卓
    国際安全保障
    2010年 37 巻 4 号 47-66
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 足立 研幾
    国際政治
    2002年 2002 巻 130 号 175-191,L16
    発行日: 2002/05/31
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to examine the formation process which successfully created the Convention to Ban Anti-Personnel Landmines and thus think about the implication of this process. The formation process of this convention was unique in that middle-and small-power countries and civil society effectively cooperated to realize this convention. In addition to this, the discourse “AP landmines are inhumane and should be abandoned” was put up, and countries which could not agree with this disquisition were excluded from the convention negotiations. This exclusive process made it easier to form a very stringent convention to ban landmines. However, one problem with such a process is that the number of participants was severely limited since countries which could not agree with the discourse were not permitted to attend the negotiations. In fact, only 50 countries attended this process from the beginning, and as such, this process was criticized as being too idealistic.
    But as a result of active campaigns by propelling countries and NGOs, support for the discourse put up at the negotiations gradually spread. This discourse found great favor among public opinion, for the inhumanity of landmines could be easily understood. With this strong public support, this discourse has become the dominant view of landmine issue, replacing the former prevalent discourse that “AP landmines are legal and indispensable weapons for national defense”. This change of the paramount discourse about the landmine issue may be one reason why more than 130 countries signed the convention despite its strict criterion.
    However, whether the dominant discourse really affected the decision by many countries to sign the convention remains unclear. To further examine this, I have attempted to grasp the general characteristics among signatories by using a statistic method, namely logistic regression. Also, I examined some countries' decision-making process about landmine issue to complement the statistical analysis. The results of the regression as well as the analysis of each country's decision-making process are consistent with the above hypothesis that the dominant discourse played an important role in spurring many countries to sign the convention. It follows from this analysis that the unique formation process of the Convention to Ban AP Landmines could be applied to other issue areas, especially in issue areas of interest and importance to civil society.
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