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  • 宋 宇辰, 藤川 昌樹
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2023年 88 巻 814 号 3416-3425
    発行日: 2023/12/01
    公開日: 2023/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article examined the relationship between the Grain Tribute System and spatial structure of canal-side space along a part of the Grand Canal called Caohe (the Canal for Grain Tribute) during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The Grain Tribute System refers to the comprehensive and systematic structure established by the government to support canal transportation, which includes not only the canal, but also water conservancy facilities, post stations, granaries, management buildings, officials and laborers dedicated to managing and overseeing the canal transportation. Then the article analyzed historical materials and ancient maps to examine spatial structure of the canal-side space of Caohe.

  • 中村 哲夫
    社会経済史学
    1974年 40 巻 3 号 203-227
    発行日: 1974/10/25
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is devoted to discussing rural marketing communities that shaped local social organizations. Especially I set forth an analysis of the relation of religious factors to the rural marketing communities. Arthur H. Smith indicated that most of the Chinese villages maintained some Taoism chapels called Miao. (廟). However, there were exceptions to this rule. If so, we cannot neglect to analyze no-Miao villages. Ch'ing-hsien-ts'un-t'u (青県村図) is a local government record dealing with an the cities, towns and villages in a prefecture, Ch'ing-hsien. In this record there are 91 villages which do not maintain any religious establishments, excluding one whose data are incomplete. They occupy 21 per cent of the villages in this prefecture. It should not be supposed that the inhabitants of those villages were irreligious. We have to analyze the reason why they were unable to maintain any religious establishments and yet able to live their village life without Miaos. It seems that such villages can be divided into three types. 1. Chinese Moslem villages ..................................... 19, A Chinese mosque called Ch'ing-chen-ssu (清真寺) stood at the center of their community consisting of some neighboring villages. So the people who lived in the villages without any mosque could go to the mosque in the neighboring village. In addition, they were subject to the taboo that they should not eat any pork and meat touched by non-Moslems. Therefore,they needed their own market. It is shown that two markets. Hsin-chi (新集) and Tu-lin-chi (杜林集) were Moslem marketing communities. 2. Consanguineous villages ....................................... 23, In this case, we can understand the reason why they did not need village Miaos. A Miao played a role as a public hall. Being composed of one family-group, the villages did not need to maintain Miaos. 3. Small villages ....................................................49, Because of the small population or little farmland, it fyas impossible for such villages to maintain any kind of village Miaos. Geographically analyzed, they lay close to the marketing places. As a number of various Miaos were maintained at the marketing places, the inhabitants of no-Miao villages could visit them on market-days. So they could live their village life without their own Miaos. This observation leads to the conclusion that there was a close relation between the religious factor and a marketing community.
  • 初歩的考察
    濱島 敦俊
    法制史研究
    1983年 1983 巻 33 号 1-60,en3
    発行日: 1984/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Ming and the Qing periods all the local administration offices, such as fu _??_ (prefecture), zhou _??_ (subprefecture) and xian _??_ (county), had only one prison, jian _??_, each within their formal institutions. In the late Ming and the early Qing periods, however, we find the existence of another, different type of prisons, generally called pu _??_ in the Jiangnan provinces, and also called cang _??_ in the other provinces.
    These new jails were not legally authorized, but were instituted by each local administration office of its own accord. The high officials of provincial level, such as xunfu _??__??_ (Grand Coordinator) and xun'an _??__??_ (Regional Inspector), treated and utilized these new jails virtually as the institutional section of local administration office, and sometimes ordered that not only jian but also pu or cang should be inspected at regular intervals. In the Xunzhi _??__??_ reign, the bureaucrats of both the central and the local governments frequently referred to these jails in their memorials submitted to the Emperor. We may conclude from this that these jails were practically, though not legally, as good as authorized by the Emperor and the ministers of the Qing central government. In the late Kangxi _??__??_ reign, however, the Emperor gave a consent to the proposal, submitted by a scholar-bureaucrat, Zhou Qingyuan _??__??__??_, that a ban should be placed against instituting and utilizing the illegal jails, such as pu, cang, suo _??_, dian _??_, ce _??_ and so on. And this prohibition became an express provision in the Great Qing Codes after the Yongzhen _??__??_ reign. But the local officials obeyed this ban only ostensibly, and actually and practically ignored it. Thus the illegal jails continued to exist through the middle and late Qing period under the names of zixinsuo _??__??__??_, shoujinsuo _??__??__??_ and so on.
    In this article the author has investigated into the existence or non-existence of these informal jails in each province of the mainland China in the late Ming and the early Qing periods. As to the Provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, Zhejiang, Hebei, Henan, Shangdong, Shanxi _??__??_ and Fujian, the existence of this new type of jails during these periods has been confirmed in all or some of their subprefectures and counties. In Guangdong, this new type of jails seems to have been still in the process of growth, and in Hubei, Hunan, Jiangxi and Sichuan it was not yet instituted. As to the other provinces, such as Shanxi _??__??_ Guangxi, Yunnan and Guizhou, the author has no source materials from which to conclude. In the author's opinion, the growth of this new type of jails was closely connected with the social, economic and political change taking place among the rural communities of these days, a change characterized by the collapse of the power of the rural-landlord class.
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