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  • 川本 重雄
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1979年 286 巻 147-154
    発行日: 1979/12/30
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Contents : 1. Tosanjoden in the early and middle Heian period. 2. Fujiwara Morozane and Tosanjoden. 3. Fujiwara Tadazane and Tosanjoden. 4. The Hogen Insurrection and Tosanjoden. 5. The fire of Tosanjoden and the construction of Kan' in. 6. Summary.
  • 飯淵 康一, 永井 康雄
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2005年 70 巻 587 号 175-182
    発行日: 2005/01/30
    公開日: 2017/02/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    On the transition process of the ceremonial places for the Fujiwara family in Heian period, the following points were clarified: 1. Fujiwara-no-Tadazane(忠実) lived in much residences. 2. Higashisanjo-den(東三條殿) was used as a ceremonial place. Then, the character strengthened than the age of Fujiwara-no-Morozane(師実). 3. The move to Higashisanjouden(東三條殿) by Tadazane(忠実) was carried out in order to show the existence of the Fujiwara families formal residences.
  • 飯淵 康一, 永井 康雄
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2004年 69 巻 577 号 165-172
    発行日: 2004/03/30
    公開日: 2017/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    On the transition process of the ceremonial places for the Fujiwara family in Heian period, the following points were clarified: 1. Fujiwara-no-Morozane lived in much residences, these were also respectively used as a ceremonial place. 2. Higashisanjo-den(東三條殿) was also used as a ceremonial place. However, that was not ceremonial exclusive use residence for the Fujiwara family. 3. Higashisanjo-den was not used only for the grand ceremony, but also used for the another ceremony.
  • 樋口 健太郎
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 2 号 218-243
    発行日: 2007/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The post of shitsuji 執事, a major-domo appointed to each of the Fujiwara Regency's household governments during the early medieval period, should be an important subject for studying the economic aspects of this powerful aristocratic family; however, the research to date has not been forthcoming. In an attempt to fill the gap, this article attempts to clarify the basic facts about the post of shitsuji, together with subordinates known as nenyo 年預 and its relationship to the Fujiwara family, in order to understand better the latter's "household" structure. First, the author refutes the conventional tendency to view shitsuji and nenyo similarly as persons in charge of general household affairs. While nenyo were before the family's appointment as Regent closely involved in such household affairs as rites of passage, while shitsuji were in charge of ceremonies involving the regents themselves and heads of the Fujiwara and Mido 御堂 lineages. In other words, nenyo was closely related to the family aspect, while shitsuji to the political aspects of household affairs. The post of shitsuji originated during the regency of Fujiwarano-Tadamichi, and was monopolized by the top bureaucratic lineages (meika 名家) of the Kajuji 勧修寺, Hino 日野 and Takamune 高棟 branches of the Taira 平 family. Since prior to the establishment of the post, household functionaries in other than these distinguished lineages carried out the same duties, the author argues that the creation of the post marked the assumption and monopolization of regency household administration by these families and was closely related to their concurrent assumption and monopolization of state administrative duties. As schism ran through the regent family from the end of the Heian period on, it became more and more difficult for branches to uphold their families' traditional pomp and circumstance, forcing them to rely on their shitsuji, who were familiar with the old traditions, since they had been handed down to them through the same lineage generation after generation. Consequently, cases arose in which top ministers of state (kugyo 公卿) appointed their sons to the nominal position of shitsuji, thus becoming indispensable to the Regency in both its household governance and political affairs of state.
  • 飯淵 康一, 永井 康雄
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2006年 71 巻 599 号 135-142
    発行日: 2006/01/30
    公開日: 2017/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    On the transition process of the ceremonial places for the Fujiwara family in Heian period, the following points were clarified: 1. Fujiwara-no-Michinaga(藤原道長) lived in much residences, in these residences, Tuchimikado-den(土御門殿), Konan-dai(小南第), Nijo-den(二條殿) were used as ceremonial place. 2. It is characteristics in the Michinaga(道長) age to use Konan-dai(小南第) and Nijo-den(二條殿) as a ceremonial place. This characteristics were possible by the Sekkan(摂関) system. 3. Nijo-den(二條殿) was built from the necessity of real ceremonial place which should replace Konan-dai(小南第).
  • 佐藤 健治
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 5 号 783-785
    発行日: 2001/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 健治
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 11 号 1925-1951,2037-
    発行日: 1994/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    In this paper, the author attempts to show the conditions by which ancestor worship supports permanent families through a study of funeral and memorial services held for the heads of the Fujiwara Regent families. Through an investigation of those who presided over these ceremonies, how they were carried out, and the way in which they were financed, the author follows the process of how the various memorial services were ritualized into established family customs. He attempts to clarify the origin and characteristic features of these customs as regent family events and their significance within ancient aristocratic society. Concerning funeral services, the Fujiwara Regents were originally given state funerals in accordance with provisions under the ritsuryo codes stipulating that the presiding officer be appointed by the government and that funereal gifts be sent from the public coffers. However, beginning with the funeral of regent Tadahira in the mid-tenth century, both practices were abandoned, thus removing the ceremony from state control in terms of both personnel and material support, turning the event into a family affair. With respect to the ceremony itself, before the funeral of Tadahira the main practice consisted of the reading of an imperial order before the casket. This practice was done away with beginning with Tadahira's funeral, and the whole ceremony was changed so that the state would have no involvement whatsoever. Here we can observe how during the latter half of the tenth Century the funeral services for the Fujiwara Regents were transformed from affairs of state to family-centered events. Turning to the memorial services. Called chuin (an initial period of mourning lasting seven weeks) and shuki (the first anniversary of the death), in Heian period aristocratic society the former was marked by a Buddhist ceremony (gohoji) designed as a public demonstration of remembrance, while the latter was marked by a ceremony (shonichi-butsuji) that was merely a family memorial service. In particular, the gohoji ceremony, which was directed from the family to aristocratic society as a whole, concentrated on signifying the succession of the new family head, and in the case of the Fujiwara family it was a ceremony equal in stature to an affair of state and signified its transformation into the "family of the Regent" within aristocratic society. The latter half of the tenth century, when this ceremony was first established, marked the formation of families whose continuing existence was based on the succession of family heads. In the memorial service called nenki (yearly anniversaries of a death), there are the elements of an event carried on through one generation and an event Hasting from generation to generation. It was usual for the death of a family head to be commemorated yearly throughout the lives of his sons or grandsons; but if the family decided that funds were available, this memorial service could be upgraded to a semi-permanent yearly family event. While the former custom was based on the vertical father-son clientship relationship, the latter was guaranteed through a horizontal relationship involving the participation of all family members in deciding to hold the event and using the family's wealth to finance it. In practice, the latter event became a relatively modest version of the former and became closely tied to a consciousness, of Fujiwara Regent family membership. The idea of the permanent family organization and the funeral and memorial services reinforcing it came into existence during the latter half of the tenth century with the above described Fujiwara Regent family practices, practices that stress the patriarchal relationship between fathers and sons and guarantees by all family members that the events would be continued for generations to come. As long a these relationships existed, these ceremonies would be carried out.

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  • 高橋 充
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 5 号 780-783
    発行日: 2001/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 美川 圭
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 1 号 103-107
    発行日: 2002/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 4 号 562-563
    発行日: 1999/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水戸部 正男
    法制史研究
    1954年 1954 巻 4 号 238-247,6
    発行日: 1954/07/31
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. The Watariryo belonged to the patriarch of the Fujiwara Family and was not allowed to transfer to any other person.
    2. The name of Watariryo occurred as it was handed over from generation to generation by writing down on the record.
    3. The system of the Watariryo continued from the 11 th cetury to the 13 th century at least.
    4. The origin and permanency of the Watariryo had a close connection with the spirit of the ancester worship and the prosperity of the Fujiwara Family.
  • 梅田 康夫
    法制史研究
    1991年 1991 巻 41 号 217-222
    発行日: 1992/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大津 透
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 2 号 259-261
    発行日: 1999/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 稲葉 伸道
    史学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 10 号 1505-1541,1638-
    発行日: 1980/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In mediaeval Japan, kunin was one of the words which denoted the concept of "public". The word kunin was used to indicate the lower ranking functionaries of the Imperial Court (Chotei), the executive officials (bugyonin) in the Kamakura and Muromachi Bakufu, and the zoshiki, which was the lowest class of public officials. Of these three types of kunin, it is the last type -zoshiki- which most often appears in mediaeval documents. This type of kunin was divided into the chugo (中綱), shogo (小綱), dodoshi (堂童子), shicho (仕丁), and shokusho (職掌) in the major temples of Todaiji (東大寺), Kofukuji (興福寺), Toji (東寺) and so on. There were also kotoneri (小舎人) and zoshiki (雑色) of the Samurai-dokoro (侍所), kunin of the Mandokoro (政所) in the Muromachi Bakufu, and kunin of the provincial governments (kokuga). In this study I carefully examined the kunin of Todaiji and Kofukuji. When we take into consideration the kunin of the Imperial Court and the zoshiki, the following common characteristics of the kunin are inferred. (i)They live in urban areas -for example, Kyoto and Nara. They have the organization -za (座) -similar to the craft guilds. Their economic life is based on pay received from the public organization (Imperial Court, Bakufu, kokuga, Todaiji, Kofukuji etc.) to which they belong, according to the work which they completed. (ii)They have the privilege of exemption from taxation. Many of them have jobs in crafts and commerce. (iii)They execute "kendan" (検断) -the exercise of police power in mediaeval Japan. In the actual exercise of police power, they often employ "hinin" (非人). (iv)They do not fall into the category characterized by the relationship between the feudal lord and his retainer. Thus, kunin possessed slaves (actually, similar to indented servants, genin), and there were cases where kunin became genin. In view of these characteristics, we can define kunin as the public functionaries who belong to the public organizations and perform public duties.
  • 勝山 清次
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 5 号 643-646
    発行日: 1984/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 米本 裕美, 辻 亜由美, 田中 杏奈, 木本 好信
    甲子園短期大学文化情報学科研究報告
    2010年 5 巻 11-18
    発行日: 2010/03/05
    公開日: 2020/03/11
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 藤田 勝也
    建築史学
    2005年 44 巻 202-211
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2018/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木全 敬蔵
    地図
    1981年 19 巻 4 号 18-22
    発行日: 1981/12/10
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 擴
    建築史学
    2006年 46 巻 81-96
    発行日: 2006年
    公開日: 2018/08/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 巽 昌子
    史学雑誌
    2013年 122 巻 8 号 1374-1401
    発行日: 2013/08/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article discusses the changing and declining use of the document form known as shobunjo 処分状 during the Kamakura and Nanboku-cho periods in Japan from the perspective of Japanese family organization (ie 家) and inheritance. Based on the case of the Kujo 九条 Family, which was one of the Fujiwara Regent (sekkan 摂関) families, the author examines the process of changes that occurred in the function and form of shobunjo as the form of inheritance itself changed from property divided among several heirs to that based on primogeniture. Kujo Kanezane 九条兼実 drew up shobunjo so that the inheritance of his lands, which formed his financial base, to his descendants would be assured. In the background to this action lay the unstable financial state of the Kujo Family immediately after its separation from the Konoe 近衛 Family. Kanezane's successor, Kujo Michiie 九条道家 then devised a method of dividing the land for inheritance so as to increase the possibility that his descendants would become sekkan. As a result, the Kujo and the Ichijo 一条 Families separated at that time and Michiie's shobunjo acted to reconfirm and restructure the family lands ownership. In addition, both Kanezane's and Michiie's shobunjo included testamentary admonitions to their heirs. It was three generations later that Kujo Tadanori 九条忠教, the great-grandson of Michiie, decided to leave his property to a primary heir instead of multiple heirs, a change that greatly reduced the differences between shobunjo and another document dealing with inheritance, yuzurijo 譲状, in terms of both function and form. Consequently, these two documents, which had been theretofore classified as completely different and separate forms, began to become confused with one another. At the same time, testamentary admonitions, which used to be included in shobunjo were written as a separate document, which came to be known as okibumi 置文. In this way, with the change in the form of inheritance transitioning from multiple heirs to a single successor, the function of shobunjo in transferring property gave way to yuzurijo, the function of making testamentary admonitions to one's descendants was left to okibumi, and shobunjo, declined in use and finally disappeared.
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