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  • 鐵と鋼
    1952年 38 巻 1 号 59-61
    発行日: 1952/01/25
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鉄と鋼
    1958年 44 巻 1 号 86
    発行日: 1958/01/01
    公開日: 2009/05/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 英米人の観た広島被災
    池田 哲郎
    英学史研究
    1980年 1981 巻 13 号 1-8
    発行日: 1980年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the World War I the armistice day was celebrated for a few years on Nov. 11th. But again the world played a foolish game (World War II) only after 20 years. Now we have passed 35 years since the Hiroshima atom bomb disaster, and there are such atmosphere as it is out of date to speak of the atom bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Japan is now being pursuaded to promote military renovation from U. S. A., some Japanese financiers and goverment officials are crying to raise military enterprise against the menace of U. S. S. R.
    Japan had abolished old militarism to keep her peace institution. Why we must go back to the height of folly once more ? Citizens at Hiroshima are very delicate to be touched their miserable disaster, Mr. Matsumura, the commissioner of our general convention, advised me not to speak on this item.
    But I dared to appeal the members of our Society in defence of peace of the world and next generation, as I thought it is our duty to be responsible to the world, though not directly but through some English and American sources on the Hiroshima atom born disaster.
  • 日中戦争から日英米戦争へ
    大木 毅
    国際政治
    1989年 1989 巻 91 号 101-119,L11
    発行日: 1989/05/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1941, England was determined to continue the war against Germany, and the collapse of German blitzkrieg-strategy against Soviet Russia was evident to any one. Despite the situation, Germany declared war on the third great power, the United States. Why? The purpose of this paper is to answer the question and to analyze its political process.
    Adolf Hitler who had failed to defeat England in 1940, decided to overthrow Soviet Russia with the intentions of taking over the hegemony of the Continent and of compelling England into peace negotiations. But in the meantime the United States was applying strong measures against Germany. Germany would have to fight the United States sooner or later, but American rearmament was not yet complete. So judged Hitler the state of affairs from the reports of military attache in Washington, D. C. and other Capitals. And he expected Japan to enter the war on England, or England and the United States with the hope of diverting Anglo-American military efforts into the Pacific.
    But Joachim von Ribbentrop, German foreign minister, had another conception: the conception of a continental bloc of four powers, Germany, Japan, Italy and Soviet-Russia. He had the same perception of America as Hitler, its incomplete militarization, and he intended to bring England to its knees, to detain the United States in neutrality and to turn over the warlike policy against Soviet Russia indirectly, by enticing Japan into the war against England. Yet the “traditional group” in foreign ministry (Ernst Frh. v. Weizsäcker and others) was anxious about war in Russia, and dissented from the underestimation of America and anti-American measures. It was important above all for them that Germany put all her energies into the Anglo-German war, so they attempted to urge Japan into the war with England.
    German navy insisted that they had to carry out the war on merchant shipping to defeat England, even if it caused war with America. But Hitler who was afraid of accidental war against England and America while fighting in Russia, prohibited the navy from the use of arms against American ships. The Navy also expected Japan to take action against England for the sake of tying down Anglo-American forces in Far East. From so various reasons, “actors” in the German decision-making process consented in appearance to drive Japan into the war against England before the beginning of Japan-United States negotiations and the German invasion into Russia.
    However the outbreak of Russo-German war in June, 1941 deprived Ribbentrop and diplomatic “traditional group” of the precondition of their one-front war policy-only against England. So they made overthrowing of Soviet-Russia their primary object, and switched from “against England” to “against Soviet Russia” in cooperation with Japan. But Hitler was so optimistic in the conflict with Soviet Russia that he expected victory before Japan entered the war against England. Here was displayed the duality of German policy towards Japan, the Hitler-Navy vs. Ribbentrop-“traditional group” in foreign ministry. And the escalation of American hostile actions in the Atlantic made the German Navy demand the removal of the restrictions upon attack on American ships more acutely. Hitler also came to consider the war against America more seriously. Yet Ribbentrop's policy was to keep the United States out of the war, and the diplomatic “traditional group” approved of this. Thus in the policy towards America, confrontation between the Hitler-Navy and Foreign ministry appeared.
    But this opposition in the political process did not become serious during the German advance into Russia. However the obscure attitude of Japan concerning Japan-United States negotiations and American hostile actions stalemated German foreign policy. And once the lack of ability to conquer Soviet Russia within 1941 became clear from
  • 日本外交史研究 外交指導者論
    松本 繁一
    国際政治
    1967年 1967 巻 33 号 54-76
    発行日: 1967/06/01
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 外交史料館報
    2012年 26 巻 155-165
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2022/03/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 昭和31年1月28日新春特別講演
    榎本 隆一郎
    燃料協会誌
    1956年 35 巻 3 号 120-126
    発行日: 1956/03/20
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    筆者は過去における旧海軍の航空燃料製造技術をもととして現在の筆者の事業を興したのであるが, 原料の価格, その供給の安定性から新潟の天然ガスに着目したことなどの事業発足の経緯について述べ, 次いで, 同社事業の第一系列のメタノール合成, 現在建設中の第二系列たるアンモニア合成の操業状態, 建設状態について説明した。2系列完成の曉には同社のガス処理量は25万m3/日となる。日本の合成化学工業の年間売上は投下設備資金と大体同額でこれは世界の標準と同じであるが, 原料高および金利高のため製品価格は国際価格より2~3割高い。これの解決にはいたずらな多角経営をやめて, 独自の製造工程の大規模化, 技術水準の昂揚, 人員の小数化など経営の合理化が必要であろう。
  • 燃料協会誌
    1941年 20 巻 1 号 120-127
    発行日: 1941年
    公開日: 2011/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮田 応礼
    日本航空宇宙学会誌
    1971年 19 巻 208 号 198-209
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2009/05/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本外交史の諸問題 III
    松本 繁一
    国際政治
    1968年 1968 巻 37 号 72-95
    発行日: 1968/10/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 義井 博
    西洋史学
    1973年 90 巻 37-
    発行日: 1973年
    公開日: 2023/01/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長井 純市
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 12 号 1881-1894,1966-
    発行日: 1986/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, promulgated in October of 1941, stemmed from an urgent Imperial decree that called for the censorship of the mail, with particular attention to foreign mail. Behind the enactment of this Law lay the necessity of protecting many military secrets related to the prolonged war between Japan and China. The main impetus for the Law seems to have come from the Ministry of War, although the Military Police and the Ministries of the Navy, Home Affairs and Communications also seem to have been highly supportive of it. Prior to the passage of this Law, these Ministries and the Military Police had been conducting illegal censorship of the mails for the express purpose of protecting military secrets or collecting foreign intelligence. After the enactment of the Law, Postal Inspectors or Assistant Postal Inspectors were deployed to the major post offices handling foreign mail, such as those at Tokyo, Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe and Shimonoseki. Their activities were centralized and overseen by the Ministry of Communications. Among these inspectors were some who held positions in the Military Police or the Special Thought Control Police. Needless to say, the volume of foreign mail exceeded the capacity of their work ; but about 10% of the foreign mail was effectively put before the censor's eyes. Of those persons who were prosecuted, there included not only those who exposed military secrets, but also those who expressed feelings of war weariness or made political criticisms. The use of the Law was not limited only to the protection of military secrets but also extended to war-time research efforts into the Japanese people's private attitudes and feelings. Such reports were actually drawn up by the Ministries of Communications and Home Affairs on the basis on their postal censorship activities. Considering the political meaning of the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, it is impossible to say that the "freedom of the people" as described in the Meiji Constitution was completely overlooked. That is, those bureaucrats who were engaged in the exercise of the Law were compelled to take extreme caution for fear of the people's criticism, despite the fact that several other leading powers such at Great Britain already had similar postal censorship institutions in operation. With Japan's defeat at the end of the War, the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law was immediately abolished ; but under Douglas MacArthur it re-emerged under a different form during the Occupation period.
  • 上杉 年一, 井上 誠
    鉄と鋼
    1978年 64 巻 9 号 1311-1312,1468
    発行日: 1978/08/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森山 優
    史学雑誌
    1992年 101 巻 9 号 1587-1622,1713-
    発行日: 1992/09/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper analyzes the political processes of 'Guidelines for Implementing National Policy' (Teikohu Kokusaku Suiko Yoryo) which was adopted by the Third Konoe Cabinet. During the term of the Third Konoe Cabinet, Japanese foreign policy was formulated at the Imperial Court by the Imperial Head-quarters-Government Liaison Conference (Dai-hon'ei Seifu Renraku kaigi). The decisions of this Conference were more influential than those of the Cabinet. Issues concerning National Policy (kokusaku) proposed by the Army and Navy were debated and constructed at the Liaison Conference. However, the Liaison Conference was unsuccessful in overcoming the structural flaw in the Meiji Constitution which saw legislative power shared between the Cabinet and the General Staff. The Liaison Conference could not override the Cabinet or General Staff in decision making. In cases where the interests of the various government organs conflicted, the Liaison Conference either avoided making a decision, or forwarded policies for imperial ratification that incorporated the interests of all the opposing government institutions by processes called Ryoron-Heiki. It is through these processes of compromise that National Policy was formulated. The formation of the Guidelines for Implementing National Policy is seen as the cornerstone for Japan's decision to go to war. This paper analyzes the political processes involved in the formation of National Policy. It examines the following points. 1)The political goals of the Army and Navy immediately after the establishment of the Third Konoe Cabinet. 2)The reaction of the Army and Navy towards the 'freezing' of Japanese funds in the United States by the United States Government. 3)The influence of assertions as to attacking the Soviet Union. 4) How the Army and Navy perceived the domestic and international situation when the Guidelines was first adopted. The chief aim of the Guidelines originally proposed by the Navy was to accelerate its arming against its potential enemy, the US. The summit meeting between Roosevelt and Konoe was the other dimension of the policy, as Navy Minister Oikawa was optimistic that a successful diplomatic agreement would be reached by the two leaders. The war Offlce stated that if diplomacy failed, the next step was war. The General Staff Office's position was that Japan must set a date for the commencement of war, but at the same time must persist through all diplomatic avenues available to try and reach some agreement. The stance of the Navy office was to continue to prepare its forces for war, but refuse to commit itself to a date when hostilities would commence. In the end, however, a compromise was reached with the deadline for any diplomatic solution being set for early October. This deadline was set immediately after Japanese authorities received a telegram reporting that Roosevelt was positive towards a summit meeting. Furthermore, the Navy Office was also successful in increasing the number of political procedures required in reaching a decision for war, effectively making any such decision harder to obtain. In the opinion of the Navy, a Japanese victory depended on a favourable change in the international situation. In short, the Guidelines was an ambiguous move to compromise. On one hand, diplomatic negotiations were still being pursued. On the other, preparations were being made for war. Yet, the success of either of the two objectives depended upon a change in the prevailing international situation. The inability to reach a decision led to Konoe to dissolve his cabinet in the middle of October, 1941.
  • ―南部仏印進駐問題とイギリスの対応を例に―
    小谷 賢
    国際安全保障
    2003年 31 巻 3 号 53-72
    発行日: 2003/12/31
    公開日: 2022/04/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 外交史料館報
    2013年 27 巻 95-114
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2022/03/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 城 博
    燃料協会誌
    1984年 63 巻 1 号 2-14
    発行日: 1984/01/20
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The author was engaged in research works on coal and coke, at the Technical Research Institute of Yawata Works, from the entrance into Nippon Steel Corporation after university graduation until the retirement (1938-1968).
    In this paper the author summarizes the development and problems of studies on coal and coke, describing author's main thoughts and anecdotal stories about the researches, especially in detail about the coking properties of coal.
  • 日米関係の展開
    田中 直吉
    国際政治
    1961年 1961 巻 17 号 1-20
    発行日: 1961/12/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土田 宏成
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 3 号 415-437,486
    発行日: 2000/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article studies the number of military officers among Imperial Diet members and their influence in prewar Japan. The first half explores the number of officer MPs on the basis of biographical dictionaries edited by the House of Representatives and the House of Councilors. The author finds that 1) their number was not very large, except during World War II ; 2) their number among members of the House of Representatives increased after the fourteenth general election (1920) ; 3) many generals and admirals were made barons after the Russo-Japanese War, and some of these were elected as a member of the House of Peers. The second half of the article analyzes the activities of officer MPs after the year 1920. They did share common interests with the military authorities as servicemen ; however, a conflict of interest arose between ex-servicemen and active-servicemen. Therefore, they were not always loyal supporters of the military authorities. In conclusion, officer MPs had considerable influence as military specialists, representatives of ex-servicemen and supporters of the military authorities in the Diet despite their position as a minority. It was often the case that they were detrimental to parliamentary government due to their anti-liberal and anti-party government tendencies.
  • 外交史料館報
    2014年 28 巻 117-141
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2022/03/12
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
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