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  • 一瀬 啓恵
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 5 号 753-756
    発行日: 2002/05/15
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 波多野 勝
    史学雑誌
    1992年 101 巻 5 号 817-820
    発行日: 1992/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 賀川 真理, 竹沢 泰子, 高山 真知子, Jerome F. Shapiro, 飯野 正子, 松岡 泰, 藤岡 惇, 林 文代, 谷中 寿子, 阿部 斉, 有賀 貞, 鵜月 裕典, 小池 滋, 岡田 泰男, Roberto Mãrquez, Vicki L. Ruiz, 奥出 直人, 太田 和子, 石井 修, 加藤 典洋, 草野 厚, 野林 健, Robert Sklar, 巽 孝之, 佐藤 良明, 加藤 幹朗, 佐藤 宏子
    アメリカ研究
    1993年 1993 巻 27 号 201-214
    発行日: 1993/03/25
    公開日: 2010/10/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 稲田 真乗
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 5 号 774-779
    発行日: 1991/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 史郎, 林 義勝
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 5 号 1043-1050
    発行日: 2000/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 武史, 村上 良夫, 鈴木 有郷, 奥村 みさ, 高山 眞知子, William J. Clark, Jon Reed, 金澤 智, 野沢 公子, 馬場 美奈子, 吉原 真里, 矢口 祐人, 馬 暁華, 浅野 一弘, 草間 秀三郎, 沼岡 努, 上野 継義, 村田 勝幸, 賀川 真理, 野村 達朗, 堀 一郎, 竹田 有, 上杉 忍, 野村 文子, 大井 浩二, 新川 健三郎, 大西 直樹, 大内 孝, 山田 史郎, 安武 秀岳, 飯田 文雄, 川本 隆史, 塚田 守, 松本 礼二, 佐々木 毅, Roy Rosenzweig, Mary Ann Wynkoop, 中條 献, 恒吉 僚子, 中村 雅子, 笹本 雅子, 辻内 鏡人, 栗林 智子, 中村 和恵, 佐藤 宏子, 岡村 黎明, 藤田 博司, 近藤 健, 阿部 齊, Jan Shipps, Philip J. Deloria, Sung-Gyung Kim, 梶原 寿, 上坂 昇, 森 孝一, Richard Jensen, 杉田 米行
    アメリカ研究
    1998年 1998 巻 32 号 163-185
    発行日: 1998/03/25
    公開日: 2010/10/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 隆志
    法政論叢
    2011年 48 巻 1 号 1-16
    発行日: 2011/11/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the defects of the referendum through the case in which the issue of the shopping bag tax comprehended as a green fee has been rejected by the Seattle referendum. It is rather a rare case that the municipal ordinance, such as the shopping bag tax act previously approved by the Seattle City Council in 2008, and enacted in 2009, has been rejected in the referendum. The question is why the Seattle shopping bag tax act has been rejected in the referendum, despite the fact that Seattle citizens are considered liberal and environmentally oriented. There must be some defects in the referendum system itself or a sort of failure in the decision-making process for the shopping bag tax act. As for the failure of decision-making process of the city government, it can be indicated that there must have been a lack of an educational outreach touch to the citizens as well as a lack of mutual consensus between the city government and the business group. It is more important, however, to look into their referendum campaign maneuvers and also the dynamics of other elections for the local officials. I hope that this article will explain the American political climate of urban politics. I also hope the findings of this study will give readers some suggestions for the betterment of our local autonomy system in Japan.
  • 高橋 勝浩
    国際政治
    2001年 2001 巻 128 号 178-191,L18
    発行日: 2001/10/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    After Russo-Japanese War, relations between Japan and the United States had been strained due to such issues; naval armament, Japanese immigration exclusion, and the Open Door policy toward Manchuria. In particular, so-called Japanese immigration issue had the singularity, because it might had isolated Japan who had acknowledged herself to be a major power as European nations. In October 1906, the decision of San Francisco School Board to segregrate all Japanese, Chinese, and Korean children from other students to a special Oriental Pulic School had extended a serious diplomatic problem between two Nations, and given rise to the War Scare in the U. S. by yellow journalism.
    At that time, by not any treaty but the Gentleman's Agreement, Japanese government self-restricted of issuing the passport to it's labors for the U. S. and concluded Root-Takahira Agreement in order to soothe this War Scare.
    Otherwise, While President Theodore Roosevelt had solved Japanese immigration issue peacefully through enacting new Immigration Law in 1907 and negotiating with Japanese government, he had made use of this crisis to his policy of increasing naval power. For example, although world cruise of U. S. White Fleet was evidently the militalistic demonstration to Japan, the necessity of strong navy in the emergency was impressed certainly to the American citizen. The analysis by Japanese navy that the cruise would had reinforced the U. S. naval power came true. In December 1907, Roosevelt recomended to construct four battleships to the Congress, the Naval Appropriation Act of next year authorized his plan in part, and appropriated $900, 000 to establish a naval station at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii.
    Next administration of William H. Taft made progress of laying down dreadnaught or super-dreadnaught type battleships more vigorously than the former. As well, Kincho-Aigun railway project and the suggestion to neutralization of railways in Manchuria, in other words “Diplomatic Policy by Dollors” was the challenge to Japanese special interests.
    In the Imperial Defence Policy of 1907, although it seems to be not imagined that Japanese immigration issue would caused to be the war against the United States, the U. S. was stood first in it's main enemies for Japanese navy, this viewpoint led to the grand military designs of establishing the ambitious 8:8 Naval Ratio. But, Japanese naval power was declined extreemly by the above completion of U. S. navy, Japanese navy regarded it's decline and U. S. expansion toward Manchuria as the crisis of it's national security and special interests. Thus, Japanese navy had aimed to reconstruct of itself, required Japanese cabinet to the appropriation for laying down battleships and naval installations.
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 11 号 2054-2027
    発行日: 2001/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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