The research that has been done to date on marriage customs during the pre-Qin 先秦 period forms an enormous volume of literature;however, no standards of textual criticism concerning the one of the most frequently quoted source materials on the subject, the Zuo-Zhuan 左伝, exist to date. In the present article, the author applies Hirase Takao's content outline and "implicit" structural theory to the items in the Zuo-Zhuan concerning marriage, and investigates the geneologies of the major kingdoms. As a result of this analysis, the author shows that the work refutes the spouses and descendents of the Jiang 妾 family, a representative family of the Qi dynasty, showing a tendency towards breaks in lines of descent. Here, a "form" other than the form discovered by the Hirase can be indentified for the Zuo-Zhuan, in which the Lu 魯 and Jin 晋 Periud aristocrats, the San-Huan 三桓 and Jin period Han 韓, Wei 魏 and Zhao 趙, and the Jin period Han and Qi period Chen 陳 all correspond, forming a triplex structure. The Zuo-Zhuan contains items on marriage that degrades all families other than the Han, in order to legitimize the Han kings of the Warring States period as descendents of Han Xuan Zi 韓宣子. In addition, the marital evaluations contained in the relatively new tales and dialogues contained in the Zuo-Zhuan negate matrilineal lines deriving from the Ji 姫 name. Also, in pre-Qin times there are regions in which matrilineal blood lines were emphasized, as indicated in the extant bronze inscriptions and bamboo documents from the period. What this means is that checks existed against any attempt to legitimize one's authority based on a marital affiliation with a women with a Ji name, leading one to believe that the Zuo-Zhuan was ideologically opposed to the involvement of women in politics. The Zuo-Zhuan was thus a very politically influenced work utilized to legitimeze the power structure to which its editors advocated. On the contrary, other works of the Qi period, the Chun-Qiu 春秋 and Gong Yang Zhuan 公羊伝, for example, took positions concerning marriage contrary to the Zuo-Zhuan. It was in this way that the various kingdoms of the Warring States period attempted to legimitize their authority by either utilizing marital relations from the past or refuting those of their political rivals, a process within which views about marriage were gradually institutionalized and traditionalized for future generations. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind the fact that the concept of marriage went through a transition half way through the period.

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In the Present article, the author begins with a comparison of the descriptions of the Wei 魏 dynasty contained in Zhushu Jinian 竹書紀年, which form the framework for its Warring States period section, and the partial content of Weishijia 魏世家 in the Shiji 史記, discovering that before kings appeared in the Yellow River basin during the Warring States period, the first year of the era of each king or feudal lord was recorded according to the linian 立年 chengyuan 称元 method, that is, from the year the previous king or lord died. Through this investigation the author was able to verify for each chronicle that (1)we can rely on the Shiji items indicating eras and deaths of kings, except when there are inconsistencies with the Zhushu Jinian ; (2)a transition from the linian, method to the yunian 踰年 cheng yuan method of using the following year occurred at the time when the kingdoms of the Yellow River basin adopted titles for their kings; and (3)Sima Qian 司馬遷, in order to solve the problem of repetitive eras that arose from his understanding of linian in terms of yunian, deleted royal accession years and kings lacking concrete documentation. From an investigation of the chronicles related to Wei Wenhou 魏文侯 and Tianji Huangong 田斉桓公, the author concludes that the periodization scheme contained in the Zhushu Jinian did not distinguish between the linian and yunian methods. Therefore, he was able to get satisfactory results using the Suoin 索隠 interpretation (which was based on the yunian method). However, the Chu 楚 kingdom, which had used its king's title from the Spring and Autumn period, did not change its chengyuan method accordingly. This is also probably true for the Zhou 周 kingdom as Well from the time it defeated the Shang 商, and the Yue 越 kingdom from the Spring and Autumn period. In addition, Sima Qian made mistakes in arranging some dates of royal accession even after the general diffusion of the yunian method and the use of titles (for example, King Xiangai 襄哀 of the Wei dynasty, and Kings Wei 威 and Xuanmin 宣〓 of the Ji dynasty). This is because many of the source materials Sima used were from this latter period, when it was difficult to distinguish individuals simply referred to as Wang 王, Weiwang 魏王 or Jiwang 斉王, for example. Sima Qian, used a number of important historical events as his standard for revising and editing these materials, and thus presented his own unique interpretations of them. In order to overcome the contradictions that occurred as the result of mounting errors in chengyuan dating, Sima simply deleted a few kings and accession dates here and there in constructing his chronology of the Six Dynasties. However, now that we can see how and why concrete historical facts were left out of Sima's record, we should be able to reconstruct a more accurate chronolosy of all the documents contained in the Shiji's Benji 本紀 and Shijia 世家. Nevertheless, the chronology reconstructed by the author in this paper confronts the difficulty of adequately arranging all of the above-mentioned important events which Sima probably added later to his Six Dynasties chronology. Since all these events are recorded as involving several kingdoms, as long as the era they are baased on is not mistaken, they should pose no problem to reconstructing the chronolology. May be it is necessary to arrange in the new chronology items contained in the Zhushu Jinian that could not be used in reconstructing the framework, because they either were not dated or interpreted in relation to a certain era. Here the author cautions about possible differences in calendars among the various kingdoms. The present article thus constitutes the starting point for the necessary task of re-investigating the extant Chuuqiu 春秋 records according the yunian chengyuan method of dating eras.

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The Six Dynasties was a period of considerable importance in the history of Chinese painting. In spite of this, it has been difficult to clarify a concrete image of the period due to the lack of extant examples. Thus, past research on Six Dynasties painting has tended to restrict itself mainly to abstract theory centered on descriptions from painting histories and theory. The lacquer screens excavated from the Sima Jinlong grave in Datong, Shanxi Province in 1965 are original Six Dynasties works which can be dated the eighth year of the Dahe era (484) in the Northern Wei dynasty, and are therefore examples of exceptional value to painting research. This paper makes clear the pictorial character of these lacquer screens by consideration of their content and expression. For the subject matter of most of these screen paintings is a visual representation of the Confucian moral viewpoint, based on the moral principles popular in the Han period. Also, when they are compared to works with similar themes, such as "Admonitions to the Court Ladies" (Nushizhen, in the British Museum), attributed to Gu Kaizhi, and "Illustrious Women" (Lienu, in Beijing Palace Museum), one can see that there are similarities in expression and Composition. Comparison shows that three works all belong to the same type of painting, and clearly shows us one aspect of Six Dynasties painting.

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古代中国社会は身分関係の厳しい封建社会である.このような身分関係は多かれ少なかれことばの運用に反映される.『礼記』(前1世紀)の中で,身分の異なる人の死についてそれぞれ異なる表現を使い分けるように規定している.本論文は『史記』(前1世紀)を対象として死亡を表すさまざまな異形と指示対象の社会的身分との関係,および言語変異に影響を与える他の社会的要因などについて考察した.そして,『礼記』の言語規範と『史記』の言語運用との間の違いについて検証を行なった.

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The Xinxiu Bencao新修本草, completed in AD 659, was the first "Material Medica" to be selected by imperial order. There are probably existing manuscripts preserved in Japan and others were unearthed in Dunhuang during the early 20th century. Among the latter is a fragment of the preface to the work, a photographic reproduction of which is contained in Okanishi Tameto, Introduction to the Bencao (Sogensha 1977). The Xinxiu Bencao contains the tradition of the Bencao transmitted from antiquity, although about 8 lines of the document are missing from the Dunhuang fragment. Nevertheless, the fragment has not been given the scholarly attention it deserves, in light of its importance for the study of Tang period history and thought. Furthermore, the missing lines from the fragment match the content of the Xinxiu Bencao contained in the Kamakura era Japanese compilation, Ika Senjimon-Chu医家千字文注, proving its historiographical reliability. Concerning the fragment's sentence structure, it does not conform to the other works selected by imperial order during the period and also sings the praises of the unification efforts of the Dynasty's founder and the territorial expansion of the second emperor, while pointing out the third emperor's ideal of tingshi庭実tribute from regions on China's periphery. This Bencao was chosen by imperial order because it is a list of such tribute items indicative of the world view of a Chinese empire. The way in which the Bencao was edited and compiled is also related to such an ideal and is therefore important to understanding ways of thinking and expressing ideas during that time. In the background of the work's selection by the third emperor lies the process of building a system of medical care; i.e., the necessity of accurate directions for taking medicine and how to deal with the Court's use of "magical" herds promising eternal youth. There is the possibility that copies of the Xinxiu Bencao exist somewhere in Japan. We await their being made available to the public.

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The Yamamoto Dokushoshitsu, a private school of natural history and Chinese classics in Kyoto, continued its activities over a 120-year period 1784 to 1903. Yamamoto Bōyō (1778– 1859), a disciple of the naturalist Ono Ranzan, inherited the school from his father Yamamoto Hōzan (1742–1813). The school reached its peak during the Ansei period (1854–1859).Yamamoto Ayao (1827–1903), the third son of Bōyō, reopened the school in 1875 as a means to maintain the Confucian and educational traditions of the Yamamoto family until his death in 1903. In 1893 he wrote the Senjin Genkōroku as a life of his late father following Confucian ideas of filial duty, but ten years later, in 1903, he rewrote it as a memoir containing, not only anecdotes about his grandfather Hōzan and his father Bōyō, but also histories of students, brothers and relatives and his own autobiography. Here we present for the first time the 1903 manuscript of Senjin Genkōroku with an introduction and notes. The introduction analyzes the process of its transformation using the family’s biographical documents.

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