In the 1920's, the governmental policy for Korea by Makoto Saito, a new governor, under the Hara Cabinet is called the "Budan Seiji"(culture based government) as compared with the former "Bunka Seiji" (military government). It's needless to say the anti-Japanese movement became more and more serious since the San-Ichi movement and this caused the change of policy. The government general adopted the concrete policies, one of which was to take advantages of the pro-Japanese groups in Korea by supporting and protecting them. Though the policy wasn't discussed in public, the authorities knew it was an urgent and important task. It is said that the Japanese government and the government general made the Koreans organize various pro-Japanese groups and gave an indirect aid to them, but those groups were actually controlled by the Japanese behind them. Under the situation, however, on Feb.3 in 1921, the Dokokai was established by Ryohei Uchida, the chief of the Kokuryukai, and it should be noticed that they neither received instructions nor intentions from the government general. As the only independent organization, the Dokokai concentrated new and old foreign uncompromising elements including masterless samurais living in the continent, and started to criticize severely against the government general. Here, in this paper, I refer to the study of the procedure of the establishment of the Dokokai, and the investigation of the actual conditions of the activities by Uchida and his Kokuryukai in the second half of Taisyo era.

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Of all the Filipino revolutionaries, the historical figure most familiar to the Japanese is General Artemio Ricarte (1866–1945). Recent research raises the issue of his anti-American thoughts, which are frequently mentioned in his autobiography. This study concentrates on the formation of his pro-Japanese thoughts after the Filipino revolution against Spain, the Philippine–American war, and the period of his exile in Japan. Previous research has reported his “stubborn” national¬ism and his fluctuating anti-American thoughts, but did not succeed in clarifying the process of formation of his pro-Japanese nationalism, which might be, to some degree, different from that of any other Filipino revolutionary. This nationalism eventually led to his collaboration with the Japanese during their occupation of the Philippines. This paper furthers my previous analysis regarding the formation of his nationalism, which has not yet been studied in depth. My current analysis also extends to the Japanese occupation of the Philippines when the general envisaged his original dictatorial government, called in the Tagalog language, or in Filipino, “Pamahalaang Magulang.”
The characteristics of his thoughts as a Filipino nationalist in the context of Philippine history are pointed out in the conclusion. Unlike the other Filipino elites studying abroad in Europe dur¬ing the second half of the nineteenth century, Ricarte did not leave the country in order to become involved in the education of youths. Being an educator, he truly felt the necessity for education of the Filipinos in terms of the revolutionary movement against the Spanish administration. After much deliberation, he took part in the Katipunan movement led by Andres Bonifacio. The political philosophy of Bonifacio might form a sound basis for Ricarte’s nationalistic ideas of Philippine independence. The outbreaks of the Sino-Japanese War (1894) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904) also exerted a great influence on the mind of Ricarte. After mingling with a Japanese ultra-nationalist (Onkihiko Usa) in Hong Kong, who eventually extended assistance to him when he sought political exile in Japan in 1915, Ricarte manifested a strong inclination for the ultra-nationalist thought of the Japanese being favorable to the expansionism of Japan toward Asia. While acknowledging a sound American colonial regime established in the Philippines, Ricarte lamented the ongoing “Americanization” of the country, and at the same time expected a charismatic Filipino politician, such as Manuel L. Quezon, to pursue immediate Philippine independence.
However, Ricarte blamed Quezon entirely for not having succeeded in obtaining the immediate independence that was superseded by the independence act (the Tydings McDuffie Act) with the provision of a “ten-year transitional period,” the so-called Commonwealth proclaimed in Novem¬ber 1935. This certainly caused his adamant refusal to return to the Philippines from Japan before the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941. After the outbreak of the war between Japan and the USA, Ricarte went back home to the Philippines with the Japanese Imperial Forces. As soon as the Japanese Military Administration was proclaimed in January 1942, Ricarte submitted to the authorities his written proposal for the establishment of a dictatorial government, Pamahalaang Magulang. Ricarte wanted to reactivate the Katipunan spirit of the Filipino revolution against Spain while stressing the necessity of pagkakaisa (spirit of solidarity) for the independence movement. In drawing up the outline for a government, Ricarte tried to blend the spirit of Katipunan with the Asiatic principle of Japan that should have been understood by the Filipinos. However, the Filipinos were too “Americanized” at that time to understand his thoughts.

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本論文は、日本の新宗教「大本教」と中国の宗教・慈善団体「道院・世界紅卍字会」の「連合運動」（1923–1935）に着目し、その初期の活動として1925年に北京で両団体を中心に結成された世界宗教連合会を取り上げる。「宗教統一」という理想を掲げた宗教活動でありながら、日本のアジア主義者らによる「満蒙権益」獲得のための政治的手段でもあった世界宗教連合会は、連合運動における宗教／政治の関係性を考察するうえで極めて重要である。にも関わらず大本教・紅卍字会双方の先行研究においては等閑視されており、活動実態の解明やその思想的位置づけが不十分である。したがって本論文では、その結成に至る過程や活動内容などを大本教機関紙誌や政府公文書などの史資料に基づいて解明したうえで、世界宗教連合会の宗教／政治目的の交錯・相克を論じる。以上のことにより、当時の日中間において、「宗教統一」思想とアジア主義がどのように関わりあったかを明らかにすることを目指す。

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『The death of Kim Ok-gyun (金玉均の死)』 is a drama that Ujaku Akita (秋田雨雀) published in the January issue of the 『Ningen (人間)』 magazine in 1920. In this literature, any political aspect is suppressed notwithstanding that Kim was a politically conspicuous figure; he exiled himself to Japan after the failure of his coup (甲申政変) in 1884, and later was assassinated in Shanghai. On the other side, only the cultural aspects - such as classification of Korean and Japanese language, likes and dislikes on foods and the meaning of clothes - are emphasized in this play.

We can find the reason in Akita's diary. It seems that this drama was probably commissioned by Kuzuu (葛生) brothers who were right-wing activists. The elder brother had played a leading role in the management of Genyousha (玄洋社) where 『Kim Ok-gyun (金玉均)』 had been privately printed. For that reason, it can be inferred that this article was read by Akita when he chose Kim as the main subject in this work. Akita was, however, on the opposite side admiring the socialist ideology. So, I conclude he had to exclude the political feature in his work.

Instead, Akita depicted that Kim wants to be a farmer in Hokkaido (北海道) in future. Cultivation of a farm can be thought of as the metaphor of working for the Korean kingdom. As a result, it can be interpreted as a roundabout expression of Kim's will to recover his political position. It also contains Akita's perspective on Korea, which is represented by “reflection for conquerors and training for subordinates” written in his diary.

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In 1894, there was a large uprising by an army of peasants called "Donghak" in Chonra province, Korea, and both Japan and China, who were struggling for power over Korea, dispatched troops. Upon the introduction of foreign troops, the peasant army felt that national independence was at stake and compromised with the (Korean) government authorities and dispersed voluntarily. Around this time, there was a group of Japanese Ronin (浪人) in Korea, who were carrying out a variety of political activities using the "Ozaki Law Office" in Pusan as their base. They acted upon the belief that the prime solution for the "Korea problem" was that the pro-China and anti-Japanese Min regime in Korea be overthrown and Korea be brought under Japanese control. They took the peasant uprising for an anti-government struggle and sought to gain the cooperation of the Donghak army in order to overthrow the Min regime. In 1894, fourteen Ronin organized a group called "Tenyukyo", and armed with dynamite, they went to join the Donghak army in Chonra province. They met with Chon Bong Jun (全〓準), the leader of the uprising, and tried to pursuade Chon to rise again, but they were not successful. On the failure of this attempt, they then took part in the assassination of Queen Min of Korea in 1895 and in the events leading to the annexation of Korea later on. The members of the Tenyukyo group were young intellectuals born in the Meiji era, largely from Samurai family background. They were ambitious young men from a feudal class that lost power due to Meiji political reforms. They sought to pursue their political ambitions by participating in the settlement of the "Korean problem". These young men had high respect for Japanese civilization as it developed following the Meiji Restoration. They regarded it as a perfect fusion of the civilizations of the East and the West. They were also convinced that the strength of Japan's military power was inferior to no Western nation. Against the Western, especially the British and Russian, advances into Asia, they proclaimed the doctrine of the Asian League that the yellow people of the three Asian countries -Japan, China and Korea -should unite against the West under the leadership of Japan. Further more, with respect to Korea, they proposed "the Federation of Japan and Korea" based on the notion of the "community of common fate" and the "Dobun-DosoRon" (同文同祖論) that identifies the Koreans with the Japanese in culture and race. It is the thesis of this paper that the ideology of Tenyukyo was not only the proto-type of "Greater-Asia-ism", but also that the group's attitude toward Korea was permeated with the ideology of aggression.

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 In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, there were several Asianists interested in Southeast Asia in Japan. They advocated the view that Asian nations needed solidarity against the European advance into Asia. Manjiro Inagaki, who was the first Japanese resident ambassador to Thailand, was an Asianist. He made every endeavour to send a Japanese advisor to the Thai government in the reign of King Chulalongkorn for Thailand's modernization and Japanese interests.
  Uzaburo Ishibashi and Chinatsu Iwamoto were also passionate Asianists. They went to Thailand to support the independence of Thailand, after hearing that relations between Thailand and France had worsened after the incident at Paknam, near Bangkok, in 1893. After arriving in Bangkok, they began to encourage Japanese immigration under the sponsorship of Phraya Surasakmontri, the Thai minister of agriculture and commerce, with the aim of helping Thailand, but they failed in their undertaking because they had no business ability.

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