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  • 小関 藤一郎
    社会学評論
    1955年 6 巻 1 号 51-67,145
    発行日: 1955/07/30
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    The object of this article is to clarify the changing meaning of 'social factor' in Emile Durkheim's sociological theory. The social factor was originally prescribed in the definition of collective conscience in his Social Division of Labor. Here, Durkheim's definition was to see in it the common elements of beliefs and sentiments of the same society. However, by this definition he could not explain the social factor behind the orgainzed society based on division of labor. Thus he introduced much ambiguous concept of 'cult of inbividual' and this individualistic element could become a kind of collective conscience. But by lack of precision, his concept of collective conscience has implied something superior over the individuality. His study of suicide presented this aspect clearly in his explanation of
    anomic
    suicide
    . From this point, his social factor has gradually changed its meaning and it was developed into some normative factor. This identification of social factor with normative factor became clear and of great importance in his progress of study in the field of moral and education. In his last work on religious life, his social factor has come to involve religious meaning. Here his 'collective conscience' has lost its original meaning as a analytical instrument arriving at a superior being over individual or the best which man has in himself. This transformation of the social factor was due to his methodological difficulty of separating the subjective element from the function element-action-which are the two components of the consensus in society.
  • ネット自殺の社会学的考察
    貞包 英之
    社会学評論
    2008年 58 巻 4 号 593-607
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    2002年末より,ネットをとおして知り合った者が自殺をともに企てる「ネット自殺」と呼ばれる事件が流行する.2005年末までに2度の波が観察され,そのなかで未遂を含め計69件,のべ204人がこの事件に参加したのである.
    事件の最大の特徴は,他の集団自殺でのようには幻想やイデオロギーの共有が確認されなかったことにある.事件では他者の介入をなるべく排除した自殺が選択された.つまりネット自殺では集団で行われながら,個々に孤立する「私的」な死が観察されたのである.
    近代社会は,問題状況としての死を社会と対立する否定的な要素として想定してきたといえよう.たとえば死のタブー化を主張する議論では,生を規範とする社会から死が否定的なものとして締め出されていることが問題とされる.またアノミーを前提とした議論では,社会の正常な秩序が欠如する際に自殺は発生するとされる.しかしネット自殺では,こうした近代的な図式に回収されない自殺の現象が確認された.すなわち事件では集団形成と矛盾せず,それゆえ社会の否定的要素とならない死が観察されたのである.そうした自殺を発生させることで,事件は自殺の前提となる配置を変えたあらたな社会の形成について示唆している.本論は,ネット自殺事件をとおしてそうした現代社会の特徴を探る試みである.
  • -東信地方に於ける若干の事例-
    山室 周平, 服部 治則
    社会学評論
    1955年 6 巻 1 号 68-96,144
    発行日: 1955/07/30
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    We think it as a great step forward progress in the study of the family that in positivistic stukies on the structure of the family, measurement of family size, ratios of relationships and number of generations were brought under the same criteria, and this made possible the comparative studies of the results in accordance with differences of age, districts, races and so on. We think, however, it is necessary to grasp not merely the structure but the vital processes from the points of view of functions so as to make differences clear, for we have made these facts clear as such studies progress, for example, modern family has often the same composition as that of in primitive society. But many of former discourses on functions of the family are not based upon concrete data and naturally they are abstruct. In addition, their discourses are conflicting because they had no single point of view.
    On the other hand, it is true that the positivistic studies on particular functions of the family have been made for a long time, but few of them have been grasped as a whole and placed particular functions in it. In this sense, Murdock put the minimum number of functions of neuclear family, therefore, family in general, as four. Against his study, M. E. Spiro has raised a question basing on Greel's concrete data of agricultural collective. (cf. American Anthoropologist, Oct. 1954) We are interested in these recent movement, however, we are afraid that the problem of function of the family might involve the danger of becoming meaningless unless we devise general and objective criteria and base our study upon them. We are, therefore, eager that such criteria will be determined by international cooperation, but temporally we made a table of 392 kinds of function on the basis of occupational classification table in order to measure rural family with it, first of all. We utilized occupational classification table, because we believed such method would be quite effective as the method of measuring functions of the family, in other words, to measure how many occupations are involved in family.
    Now, in a rural village in which rice culture and sericulture are main progessions in central part of Japan proper (at 138, 19' east longitude, 36, 173' latitude, 613 metres above sea level), we could get the following table which shows the results of measurment on two families of three generations (Case I & II, Family Number 10 & 6) and two neuclear family (Case III & IV, Family Number 5 & 6)
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