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  • 北澤 義之
    日本中東学会年報
    1992年 7 巻 145-171
    発行日: 1992/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    "Positive Neutralism" came to be acknowledged as one of the main ideologies of the diplomacy of the Egyptian revolutionary government in 1956, when "Suez Crisis" took place. In this connection, it might be possible to consider the period 1952-56 as a formative one. The revolutionary leadership, quite contrary to its authoritarian image, had to decide its policy deliberlately, considering international and regional political developments as well as internal satability during this period. Egypt had inherited its quest for neutralism, so to speak "Passive Neutralism", from its former regime. It was during this period that the "Passive Neutralism" changed into the "Positive Neutralism", through the process of withdrawal of British troops from Suez area and struggle against the Baghdad Pact. And the ideology of "Positive Neutralism" was maintained by realism from the context of the Cold war, and also by Arabism ('uruba) from the context of Arab regional arena.
  • 原 民樹, 中嶋 久人
    日本の科学者
    2016年 51 巻 11 号 49-50
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2024/02/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 今井 真士
    日本中東学会年報
    2013年 29 巻 1 号 41-66
    発行日: 2013/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    A diversity of new polities generated after the Arab Spring can be useful for analyzing party politics in the period of interim governments. Consultative processes between the interim rulers and the opposition parties can play several important roles both for establishing patterns of party systems and for forming interim governments. Thus, during a fierce tug-of-war over institutional building between two main political actors after the collapse of established authoritarian regimes, how do interim rulers attempt to maintain their vested interests, how does the largest opposition party intend to maximize its political power, and how do both behaviors interact with other political forces to form patterns of division and coalition among political parties in the new context of interim governments? To answer these questions, this article focuses on the effects of a series of consultative processes, including the constitution drafting, on intensifying ideological polarization between political forces. Strictly, it sees the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF)-led caretaker government in Egypt from mid-February 2011 until late June 2012 as a case of interim governments and argues that a series of consultative processes offered by interim rulers revealed and intensified ideological differences between Islamists and secularists and that their disagreement over the political issues of the new constitution made them difficult to unite each other against the SCAF and thus led to the continuation of the military-led caretaker government.
  • アラブ、マグリブ、モロッコの関係に着目して
    渡邊 文佳
    日本中東学会年報
    2021年 37 巻 1 号 1-32
    発行日: 2021/08/15
    公開日: 2022/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the nationalistic thoughts of ‘Allāl al-Fāsī (1910?–1974) conceived during his exile in the Mashriq. It focuses on the way in which he identified the relationship between the Arab world, the Maghrib region, and Morocco. A series of experiences in his exile in the Mashriq significantly influenced the way al-Fāsī represented and characterized the Arab world, the Maghrib, and Morocco. By analyzing his narrative from that time, this paper finds that al-Fāsī constructs his logic to connect the Arab world, the Maghrib, and Morocco, while simultaneously differentiating them from another. For example, he proposes historical ties between the Arab world and the Maghrib, yet he recognizes that Morocco is a unique, independent country in the region. This paper argues that his claim can be understood as logic to overcome the marginal position and the peripheral nature of the Maghrib in the Arab on the one hand, and Morocco in the Maghrib on the other. In order for the Maghrib and Morocco to be considered superior in the Arab regional order, he used certain concepts, such as freedom and spirituality, as criteria that may embody universal values. It is this manner of comparative thinking that characterized al-Fāsī’s nationalistic ideas conceived during his stay in the Mashriq.
  • 1958年以降のスペイン領西サハラ植民地の経済と社会
    勝俣 誠
    アフリカ研究
    1986年 1986 巻 28 号 1-26
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Although most African colonies became independent between the late 1950s and early 1960s, Western Sahara remained a Spanish Colony until 1976.
    In February 1976, Spanish handed over the territory to Morocco and Mauritania instead of following the course of decolonization mapped out by the United Nations General Assembly and affirmed by the International Court in an Advisory Opinion rendered in 1975.
    The article attempts to clarify why the Western Sahara nationalist movement for decolonization was formed much later than most other African nationalist movements, which had achieved their independence in the 1960s.
    This time gap in contemporary African context is analyzed in the light of the historical relationship between the Western Sahara people and Spanish colonization.
    Three major findings which resulted from examining the socio-economic aspects of the region are stressed;
    1) the Spanish government, which had previously administered only the Atlantic littoral, extend their effective control throughout the Western Sahara, when it was discovered that it possessed substantial mineral potential in the early 1960s. This discovery, in turn, aroused the acquisitive instance of both Morocco and Mauritania.
    2) Although Western Sahara nomade people had a conception of territory in the forme of grazing grounds, the concept of a linear boundary was foreign to them.
    3) Western Sahara society, which had enjoyed relative autonomy because of the ineffective Spanish colonial administration and the mobility of its nomade society was awakened to its national identity as Spanish colonization was accelerated in order to exploit the area's natural resources.
    Therefore, it could be argued that the time required for the Western Sahara people to achieve independence will depend upon the rate at which the nomade society looses its relative autonomy through their contact with the world economy.
  • 川端 正久
    アフリカ研究
    2015年 2015 巻 86 号 49-150
    発行日: 2015/01/31
    公開日: 2015/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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