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オスマン朝初期における
宰相
制の展開

今澤浩二

オリエント
2014年 56 巻 2 号 65-82
発行日: 2014/03/31
公開日: 2017/04/03

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.56.2_65

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This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.
　Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the ulema class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the ulema class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.
　During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (kuls) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of Rumeli Beylerbeyi. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of kul and ulema backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the kul viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having kul viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing kul viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.
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17世紀オスマン朝史料“Vekayi-i Beç”(ウィーン遠征日誌) について

小山皓一郎

オリエント
1971年 14 巻 2 号 125-141,186
発行日: 1971年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.14.2_125

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In 1683 Vienna was sieged by Ottoman Turks and was relieved after two months “Vekayi'-i Beç” is the first major Turkish source for this historical event. It exists in two manuscript copies, one in London and the other in Istanbul (T. K. S., Revan, No 1310-of which microfilm was recently accepted by the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo). The portion of the work concerning the siege and its aftermath has been translated into German and annotated by Richard F. Kreutel (Kara Mustaf a vor Wien: das Türkishe Tagebuch der Belagerung Wiens verfasst vom Zeremonienmeister der Hohen Pforte). “Vekayi'-i Beç” is. supposed to be an official diary written by the anonymous Master of Ceremonies (tesrifatci) of the Ottoman court. Its eyewitness description reflects first-hand knowledge about the abortive Turkish siege of Vienna. Moreover, through the examination of this diary we shall be able to throw light on the military structure of the Ottoman state.
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エジプト古王国における「ピラミッド都市」行政と「ピラミッド都市長官」職

畑守泰子

オリエント
1989年 32 巻 1 号 50-66
発行日: 1989/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.50

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In the Old Kingdom, the 'Pyramid Cities' were supervised by the officials called imy-r niwt mr, ‘overseers of the pyramid city’. In this paper I have analyzed the historical change of this title and social standings of its holders.
(1) There were two types for the title of ‘overseer of the pyramid city’, one with each pyramid name and another without it. We can find the former title through the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties in the documents, but it disappeared by the end of the Sixth Dynasty. On the other hand, the latter title did not appear until the end of the Fifth Dynasty. Most officials with these two titles were classified as dignitary after the end of the Fifth Dynasty. However, holders of imy-r niwt mr without pyramid name belonged to higher rank than those who had imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name. And the title of imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name was usually held by Memphite officials, but most holders of another title were officials in Upper Egypt, especially after the later Sixth Dynasty.
(2) And there was also the third title, imy-r mr, ‘overseer of the Pyramid’. This title preceded imy-r niwt mr and existed through the Old Kingdom. But all holders of imy-r mr were lower class officials in Memphis. So imy-r mr is thought to be under the control of imy-r niwt mr after the Fifth Dynasty.
(3) These differences in appearance and social standings of three offices mean that the end of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties were turning points in the administration of pyramid cities. It suggests that administrative reforms of pyramid cities occurred at these periods. It has been said that there were governmental reforms at the same periods. Therefore, we can conclude that the administrative changes of pyramid cities were parts of reformations of central government. And also the position of pyramid cities in the whole structure of control had risen gradually in the latter half of the Old Kingdom.
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（書評）植松正著「「元代江南行省
宰相
考」(香川大学教育学部研究報告I部第八三号)」

池内功

法制史研究
1992年 1992 巻 42 号 302-304
発行日: 1993/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1992.302

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（書評）川尻秋生著「「日本古代における合議制の特質―「畿内政権論」批判序説」(『歴史学研究』七六三号)」

大津透

法制史研究
2003年 2003 巻 53 号 222-224
発行日: 2004/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.2003.222

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（書評）島田正郎著「「遼朝
宰相
攷」(法律論叢第四〇巻第六号所収)」

丹羽友三郎

法制史研究
1969年 1969 巻 19 号 181
発行日: 1969/12/20
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1969.181

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オスマン朝における「修史部局」の位置づけ

「修史部局」分類に属する文書・台帳群の調査から

小笠原弘幸

オリエント
2004年 47 巻 1 号 96-112
発行日: 2004/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.47.96

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Ottoman official historians (vekâyi'-nüvîs, vak'a-nüvîs) wrote uninterrupted official Ottoman history from the beginning of the 18th century to the end of the Ottoman Empire. Continual historical writing of this kind must have required institutional support. Although former research on this subject has indicated that the various secretariats (kalem) gave information to the official historians, little is known about their concrete relationship.
Previous research indicated that there was a “Secretariat of the Official Historian” (vekâyi'-nüvîs kalemi). It is said that this secretariat, whose chief was the official historian, was under the Imperial Cabinet (dîvân-i hümâyûn, “Supreme Courts”) or the Office of the Grand Vizier Gate (bâb-i âsâfî, “Gate of Sublimity”). But the study of the documents (belgeleri) and registers (defterleri) classified as belonging to this secretariat, which are stored in the Ottoman Archives (Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi), has been neglected, and there is little agreement as to their character. This paper investigates the relationship between the official documents and the official historians through an examination of those documents and registers.
There are 15 documents and 3 registers classified under the Secretariat of the Official Historian in the Ottoman Archives. I examined all of them and compared them with the chronicles of the official historians. I found that they were composed of various materials in no particular order. 11 documents and registers are not concerned with official history at all; the other 7 at least deal with the same theme as the official chronicles. However, none of these documents or registers bear directly on the chronicles.
It follows that the documents of the Secretariat of the Official Historian were probably not the ones given systematically to the official historians. This fact leads us to question even the existence of a “Secretariat of the Official Historian.”
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（書評）西村元佑著「「則天武后における政治の基本姿勢と科学出身
宰相
の活躍」(龍谷史壇第七二号)」

岡野誠

法制史研究
1978年 1978 巻 28 号 265-267
発行日: 1979/03/15
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1978.265

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ウサーマ・イブン・ムンキズの『回想録』とその時代

梅田輝世

オリエント
1974年 17 巻 1 号 59-80,145
発行日: 1974/09/15
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.17.59

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In the first half of the 12th century, the Fâtimid dynasty in Egypt hastily changed her course on the decline through the domestic discords and the invasion of the crusades, but we have few historical materials on that period and it is not elucidated sufficiently yet.
Usâma ibn Munqidh (1095-1188) was an eminent warrior and man of letters, paticularly a poet, keeping friendly relations with Caliphs, Wazîrs, Amîrs and Francs in Syria, Egypt in those days. His memoirs, kitâb al-I'tibâr, give us valuable sources in elucidating this age.
By his memoirs, we can see many phases of Arabic society itself and those of military and cultual contacts between the Islamic world and Europe in those days, such as the living forms of Syrian amîrs and their civic life including hawking and methods of medical treatment, various forms of war and diplomacy, and the hasty changes of conflicting interests at home and abroad among Arabic powers, Frankish powers and the Byzantine empire.
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フォーラム・都市空間と政治権力

平田茂樹

比較都市史研究
2007年 26 巻 2 号 1-
発行日: 2007/12/20
公開日: 2017/08/25

DOI https://doi.org/10.20720/cuhreview.26.2_1

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にひなめのまつりのにはの

ある酵母学名語源考

吉田重厚

日本醸造協会誌
1990年 85 巻 7 号 478-482
発行日: 1990/07/15
公開日: 2011/09/20

DOI https://doi.org/10.6013/jbrewsocjapan1988.85.478

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「穀物の女神から再生の霊力を引き出す糖のカビ」Saccharomyces cerevisiaeの名前の変遷について, 永年ビールづくりに携わっておられる筆者が, 大切な道具としての酵母に愛着を持って書かれている。
醸造の道を選んだ人にとって, この「多少のこだわり」を持つことは重要なことではないだろうか。
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（書評）熊本崇著「「中書検正官――王安石政権のにないてたち――」(東洋史研究第四七巻第一号)」

梅原郁

法制史研究
1989年 1989 巻 39 号 321-323
発行日: 1990/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1989.321

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16, 17世紀イスタンブルにおける公定価格制度

澤井一彰

オリエント
2002年 45 巻 2 号 75-92
発行日: 2002年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.45.2_75

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the Narh system, which was an official price system in Istanbul, using historical records of the 16th and 17th century. Until now, since only research on the Narh system has consisted of a few notes attached to the transcripts of the Narh defteri (register), the actual condition of the Narh system has been seldom clarified. This paper tries to clarify the actual condition of the Narh system by using the Mühimme defteri and the Kanunname in addition to the Narh defteri.
In the Ottoman Empire, as the population increased rapidly in the 16th century, procurement of food and its smooth distribution became indispensable. Especially, since many people flowed into Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, it was a top government priority to ensure the smooth distribution of goods there.
In this situation, the Narh system, where prices were determined by the Ottoman government, was very important at the following two points. The first point was protecting people from shortage of goods, unfair dealings or speculation. At that time, when the price of grain jumped because of the chronic shortage of grain, unfair dealings and hoarding were rampant in Istanbul. The Ottoman government tried to stabilize the price using the Narh system, and also tried to bring about regular distribution by forbidding these injurious acts. The second point was preventing a rapid fall in the price of goods produced by esnafs by having decided the price of their products, in addition to supplying a sufficient quantity of materials to esnafs at the official price. By selling goods at a price set by the Narh system, esnafs were able to have their profits stabilized without suffering damage from dumping. This promoted smooth distribution of the products produced by esnafs while guaranteeing procurement of raw materials for esnafs and their production activity.
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マラータ王国の支配制度と社会的経済的秩序

R. V. オートウルカル編「ペーシュフー時代の社会経済文書-1722～1854年」、プーナ・インド史研究所版、1950年 Rajaram Vinayak Oturkar samp.,“Peshve-Kahn Samajikva Arthik Patravyavahar,”

深沢宏

日本オリエント学会月報
1960年 3 巻 4-5 号 37-55
発行日: 1960/07/20
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient1955.3.37

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19世紀イランにおける政治家の初期キャリア -ホセイン・コリー・ハーン・マーフイーの場合-

河田久美

オリエント
2002年 45 巻 1 号 172-190
発行日: 2002/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.45.172

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There have been some studies of the Qajar dynasty which have highlighted political figures by examining each one of them from various points of view. It is thought that in addition to the analysis of historical events of significance, such studies are also needed to understand the Qajar political history. In this paper, I will examine the early political career of Hosein Qoli Khan-e Mafi, who was Prime Minister at the beginning of the twentieth century, and depict his growth process as a political figure.
In his early political life, Hosein Qoli worked under Hesam al-Saltaneh one of the influential members of the Royal Family. He served Hesam al-Saltaneh mainly as a secretary at first, and later as a provincial governor's agent in Tehran and as a chief official of Esfahan. He also managed Hesam al-Saltaneh's private property, which involved dealing with a merchant and attempting to purchase estates for his master's fortune.
After about fifteen years' service, Hosein Qoli was forced to leave Hesam al-Saltaneh because of human relation troubles in the political arena: the rivalry between Hesam al-Saltaneh and the prime minister and the rivalry among the people serving Hesam al-Saltaneh.
It was normal for those people like Hosein Qoli, who were neither members of the Royal Family nor members of another influential family to serve and work under a politically powerful person. Through his experience under Hesam al-Saltaneh, Hosein Qoli learned administrative work, the economic life of those in power, and the way in which human relations in the political world worked.
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唐代における士人の信仰について

玄宗朝末から粛宗朝期における動向

手島一真

印度學佛教學研究
1998年 47 巻 1 号 97-100
発行日: 1998/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOI https://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.47.97

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王欽若とその周辺

―特に遵式との関係を中心に―

小林順彦

佛教文化学会紀要
2023年 2023 巻 32 号 65-85
発行日: 2023年
公開日: 2024/02/09

DOI https://doi.org/10.5845/bukkyobunka.2023.32_65

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小
宰相
と小野小町との絆、あるいは<引用>のポリティクス : 網目のなかの『平家物語』、謡曲、御伽草子、古注釈(テーマ論文,<特集>物語のパフォーマティヴ)

高木信

物語研究
2014年 14 巻 71-91
発行日: 2014/03/31
公開日: 2018/03/27

DOI https://doi.org/10.24523/mgkk.14.0_71

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Kozaisyo didn't write an answer to Michimori's love letter, and Nyoin who is her master commented to her that she was too strong-minded, and thus her attitude reminded people of Ono- no-Komachi. It was said that as a result of having rejected the masculine, Komachi had lived a pitiful in her old age in the Japanese tales of the Middle Ages (11c-16c). Or they said Komachi who had been a harlot was a reincarnation of the Kannon Bodhisattva, and in these tales, she had been portrayed as a sort of messiah. However, their logic is that of a masculine community where woman has been put to silence. Kozaisyo and Ono-no-Komachi have been shunted into this masculine logic. Kozaisyo was accounted as a faithful woman in the Heike-Monogatari, because of having thrown herself into the sea after Michimori's death, but in the common sense of the Middle Ages it was thought that a pregnant woman who killed herself would have gone to hell. We can see the possibility that Kozaisyo may have gotten a spell of relief from the masculine community, if we can connect her to Ono-no-komachi who had become the Kannon.
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二つの資料

「宰相責任論」と「問対略記」

佐藤文樹

比較文学
1964年 7 巻 11-20
発行日: 1964/11/28
公開日: 2017/06/17

DOI https://doi.org/10.20613/hikaku.7.0_11

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電子付録

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　J’ai découvert récemment deux documents: l’un intitulé “Saïshô Sekinin-ron” et l’autre “Montaï-ryakki”.
　I
　Saïshô Sekinin-ron est un petit livre de 115 pages du format 19x12 relié à l’européenne sous couverture en carton bleu. Sur la partie droite de la page de titre figure : Foukkokou, Konsoutan-shi tcho (écrit por M. Constant, de France). Nippon Otsouka Seïkitchi yaku (traduit par Seïkitchi Otsouka, du Japon). Sur la partie gauche: Tôkyô, Senshindo hatsouda (publié par la Librairie Senshindô). D’après les cachets de l’imprimeur et de l’éditeur, on apprend que ce livre fut approuvé en décembre 1882 et publié en janvier 1883.
　On devine sans peine que l’auteur en est Benjamin Constant de Rébecque (1767-1830). C’est effectivement la traduction de “ De la responsabilité des ministres” dont la première édition est datée de 1815.
　Le contenu n’en est ni trop révolutionnaire ni trop conservateur, mais d’un caractère libéral. Vers 1883 le Japon n’avait pas encore de constitution. On s’efforçait d’adopter un système politique européen. Le peuple réclamait les Droits de l’Homme et le parti de gauche demandait au gouvernement une constitution libérale. Dans de telles circonstances la publication de la traduction de cet opuscule politique a dû exercer une certaine influence sur l’opinion publique.
　Né à Tôkyô en 1856，Seïkitchi Otsouka fit ses études à l’Ecole de Droit de Meïdji où enseignaient quelques professeurs français tels que Gustave-Emile Boissonade. Il y apprit le français et le Droit. Avocat, il fut élu député en 1890. Il mourut à Oïsso en 1905.
　L’existence de ce document prouve qu’une publication politique de l’auteur de “Adolphe” joua un rôle au cours de l’époque mouvementée que connut le Japon après la Révolution de Meïdji.
　2
　Montaï-ryakki est un petit ouvrage du format 23 x 18 relié à la japonaise sous couverture en papier jaune. Sur la page de garde on peut lire à droite : Meïdji 10 nen 8 gatsou insatsou (imprimé en août 1877), au centre : Montaï-ryakki (Abrégé de questions et réponses), et à gauche : Fou, Kyôgui-ryakoutô (Annexe: Abrégé des réponses sur le dogme). Le livre se compose de 45 feuilles dont 35 sont consacrées à Montaï-ryakki et le reste à Kyôgui-ryakoutô. La signature à la fin de l’ Introduction nous apprend qu’il fut édité par Kan’itchi Higashi.
　L’ Introduction nous apprend également les circonstances dans lesquelles ce livre vit le jour. En voici le résumé :
　En 1875，un érudit français : Emile Guimet visita la ville de Kyôto en compagnie du peintre Félix Régamey. Il voulait connaître le dogme boudhiste et poser des questions à son sujet. Il interrogea trois bonzes japonais. Son livre reproduit les réponses obtenues aux questions posées.
　On sait que Emile-Etienne Guimet, né à Lyon en 1836 et décédé à Fleurieu-sur-Saône en 1918 est le fondateur du Musée Guimet et l’auteur des “ Promenades japonaises”.
　Félix Régamey (né à Paris en 1844, mort à Juan-les-Pins en 1907) était professeur de dessin à l’Ecole des Arts Décoratifs et à l’Ecole Spéciale d’Architecture. Ses “ Cérémonies Religieuses Japonaises ” qu’on peut voir au Musée Guimet sont très connues. Il a laissé beaucoup d’autres oeuvres concernant le Japon, en particulier :“Le Japon”， “l’Okoma”, “Le Japon Pratique”，“Le Cahier rose de Madame Chrysanthème”，etc., qu’il a lui-même illustrées.
—< View PDF for the rest of the abstract. >—

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トルコ共和国総理府オスマン文書館における「枢機勅令簿 Mühimme Defteri」の記述内容についての諸問題

16世紀後半に属する諸台帳を事例として

澤井一彰

オリエント
2006年 49 巻 1 号 165-184
発行日: 2006/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOI https://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.49.165

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As is commonly known, the Mühimme Defteri is one of the historical sources most widely used by Ottoman history researchers. In the Islamic world, the Ottoman Empire in particular has a great variety of historical documents. Among them, the Mühimme Defteri is considered an extremely important source for the richness and the diversity of its content and for its continuity. The Mühimme Defteri is an indispensable source as the number of historical documents handed down in the Ottoman Period before the Tanzimat Era are limited. Therefore, a multitude of research has been carried out based on the Mühimme Defteri. The greater part of the Mühimme Defteri used in past research is archived in the Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi (BOA) in Istanbul. From the summer of 2002 to the spring of 2006, the author intensively reviewed all 73 Mühimme Defterleri fonds considered the oldest, those which date from the late 16^th century, as well as all other registers of the period categorized as Mühimme Defteri.
As the contents of the individual registers classified as Mühimme Defteri by the BOA have not been adequately investigated, for this paper, the author focused on explaining the contents of the historical documents by identifying those which really do not belong in the Mühimme Defteri. As discussed in previous research, fonds from the so-called Mühimme Defterleri, Mühimme Zeyli Defterleri, and A. DVN. MHM. Defterleri were categorized as Mühimme Defteri although they consist of many registers not recognized as general Mühimme Defteri. Thus among the materials that are classified as being part of the Mühimme Defteri in the BOA holdings, it is made clear which registers do not actually belong in the Mühimme Defteri and what kind of content those historical materials have.
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