A GENERALIZATION OF NP RAISING

抄録

This paper aims to show that object NPs of verbs and subject NPs in general undergo raising, which has these properties: it takes place in the overt syntax, and its landing site is a Case-marked θ-position and also the specifier position of a category. Based on Larson's (1988) X-bar theory, I will first show that embedded subject NPs of infinitival complements to believe-type verbs undergo such raising, which is parallel to subject raising under the so-called VP-internal subject hypothesis. It will further be shown that object NPs of transitive verbs and small clause subject NPs also behave in parallel with the VP-internal subjects, and raise in overt syntax.