2025 年 13 巻 3 号 p. 254-275
This paper aims to conduct a comprehensive assessment of the quality of life in an urban marginality in the province of Constantine, Algeria. The focus is on examining the dynamics of a colonial resettlement estate established around 1958 and tracing the evolution of such a settlement over time. Furthermore, the study contributes to the broader discourse on urbanisation and its impact on marginalised communities. The research employs a field-based study using both objective and subjective approaches, including observation and face-to-face interviews. The surveys were conducted across 54 dwellings, housing 448 people in 103 households. The analysis, carried out using SPSS, involves four representative evaluation criteria, each with a set of indicators. The findings provide valuable insights into the enduring effects of urban planning and development policies. Notably, the estate has undergone numerous changes and transformations since its completion, such as alterations to dwelling layouts (91% of units), vertical and horizontal extensions (61%), and the implementation of various public amenities' infrastructures. Despite these improvements, the study reveals that residents still perceive the living conditions as inadequate for ensuring a decent quality of life. Specifically, 28% of respondents express dissatisfaction with the overall living conditions in the estate, and 61% report dissatisfaction with dwellings’ living conditions.
The city is a complex spatial organism in continuous change and development. Natural population growth and migratory movements are among the major factors that generate substantial transformations in cities in developing countries, such as the cities of Maghreb (Blake, 1971; Côte, 1994; Ospina, 2014). The voluntary and forced flows of migrants (Piguet, 2018) from less developed areas to more developed and attractive ones and/or from unsecured areas to secured ones, cause territorial imbalances and influence the urban composition, operating mode, landscapes, and urban identity of cities (Escallier, 1985, 1995).
The migratory dynamics of Algerian cities, particularly the major ones, have been deeply shaped by historical events such as the French occupation, the subsequent liberation war (1954-1962), and the declaration of independence (Côte, 1994; Rahmani, 1982). According to the National Office for Statistics (ONS, 2011) there was a notable increase in the percentage of urban population from 13.95% in 1886 to 39.45% in 1977. Interestingly, the share of migration in total growth decreased from 73% for the 1954-1966 period to 21% for the 1966-1977 period (Côte, 1994, p. 63). It is worthwhile pointing out that socio-economic and political-military factors influence migration trends (Charrier, 1988; Gapyisi, 1990; Rahmani, 1982).
Constantine, one of the prominent Algerian cities, experienced a significant migratory surge between 1919 and 1960, taking the population count from 36, 783 to 178, 000 (Hafiane, 1989, p. 39). This excessive increase in population, along with the absence or inadequacy of management mechanisms and control measures, has resulted in a myriad of problems with far-reaching consequences. These challenges included a housing crisis; deficiencies in the availability and accessibility of facilities, superstructure and infrastructure equipment (such as transportation, water and sanitation network, basic amenities, etc.); and a deterioration in the quality of urban life marked by noise and environmental pollution. Moreover, urban insecurity emerged, characterized by issues like delinquency, drugs, unemployment, aggression, and social violence. The city was also invaded by informal settlements, due to the colonizer's segregation policies towards the Algerian population (Bouteche and Lazri, 2020) which hindered the indigenous population's access to affordable and suitable housing.
In 1958, the occupying authority implemented the Constantine Plan. Ostensibly the plan is designed to enhance the socio-economic and cultural conditions of the Algerian population, by addressing the housing crisis; improving housing living conditions to ‘Europeanise’ their lifestyle and economic behaviour; and creating job opportunities (Vibert, 1959). The plan, in fact, had political objectives aimed at diminishing support for the liberation war efforts among the Algerian populace. As part of the plan, three types of interventions were implemented within the framework of this multifaceted programme: the "in-situ" improvement of precarious hard housing devoid of servicing; the construction of resettlement estates on the edges of the city; and the control of precarious constructions in cities receiving a large number of rural refugees (IGR, 1959).
The Mûriers estate, established in 1958 on the Southeast side of Constantine, as part of the plan described above, is one of the resettlement estates erected for the indigenous population. Despite the declared goals of mitigating overcrowding and curbing the expansion of slums and precarious housing, the reality is that the Mûriers resettlement estate was erected on an isolated, underdeveloped, unequipped, and inaccessible site on the city's outskirts (Figure 1). The colonial authorities aimed to cram as many indigenous people as possible in such estates, while maintaining strict surveillance over them. The inhabitants were poorly housed refugees forced to leave their lands in the surrounding rural mountainous areas. Since its completion, the estate, which counts 362 semi-detached units with two- or three-room dwellings, has always been characterised by high urban density. Furthermore, the dwellings are poorly designed, and the living conditions are exacerbated by an overall lack of basic services.
With Constantine's diachronic urban growth, this urban marginality is now located at the city’s pericentre (Figure 2), roughly 2.8 km walking distance from the city centre or a 2.9 km drive, taking 6 minutes outside of rush hours.
The questions raised here concern the evolution of the quality of life in this urban marginality since its creation up to the present day. Furthermore, the work presented here will consider if the spatial integration of the estate within the rest of the city has played a role in this process.
This paper aims to conduct a comprehensive assessment of the quality of life in a historic urban marginality in the province of Constantine, Algeria. The focus is on examining the dynamics of a colonial resettlement estate established around 1958 and tracing the evolution of such settlements over time. Furthermore, the study contributes to the broader discourse on urbanisation and its impact on marginalised communities.
By considering the inhabitants and their living conditions in the Mûriers resettlement estate, the primary objective of the paper is to determine if the residents' quality of life in this urban marginality has improved over time following its spatial integration into the city. The secondary objective involves assessing the residents' current level of satisfaction with the living conditions in their neighbourhood.
This section provides a comprehensive overview of the multifaceted concept of the of quality of life " QoL", including its historical roots, the evolution of its indicators, the key factors in its assessment, and the critical role of residents' satisfaction as a by-product and reflection of the temporal changes to the estate.
Historical Evolution of The Concept of Quality of LifeThe concept of quality of life (QoL) boasts a rich historical evolution spanning various disciplines, reflecting diverse perspectives and dimensions. It is frequently defined in terms of related concepts such as ‘liveability’, ‘environmental quality’, ‘satisfaction’, ‘standard of living’, ‘welfare of a population’, and ‘well-being’ (Sultana, Suhi et al., 2022). Additionally, QoL serves as a comprehensive measure and variable for explaining other key concepts.
For instance, in sustainable cities, QoL measures the impact of urban environments on residents' overall well-being, balancing economic development, environmental protection, and social equity (Bouteche and Bougdah, 2023; Khiali-Miab, Patt et al., 2024; Nijkamp and Perrels, 1994). In the realm of social sustainability, QoL evaluates the ability of communities to maintain and improve their social structures, ensuring access to education, healthcare, social services, and opportunities for engagement and development (Wang, 2014). Moreover, the idea of a happy city is closely linked to QoL, aiming to enhance residents' happiness and well-being through thoughtful design, public spaces, efficient transportation, and inclusive initiative (Abdollahpour, Sharifi et al., 2021; Gim, 2021; Mirzaei and Zangiabadi, 2021).
Thus, it plays a crucial role in evaluating and guiding the development of sustainable cities, fostering social sustainability, and designing urban environments that promote happiness and overall life satisfaction.
The roots of the concept of QoL can be traced back to the Greek and Roman perspectives (Barreto Torres, Asmus et al., 2019). Other researchers emphasised the historical depth of QoL considerations in philosophical and cultural contexts (Cheung Chung, 1997; Panagiotakos and Yfantopoulos, 2011). During World War II, attention to QoL in medical sciences increased (Land, Michalos et al., 2012), and the World Health Organization (WHO) recognized its significance in 1948 (Land, Michalos et al., 2012; Testa and Simonson, 1996).
The modern concept of QoL emerged in Western countries during the late 1960s and early 1970s, driven by a confluence of material prosperity and societal crises associated with scientific and technical development (Zubova, Kovaleva et al., 1992). This period marked the initiation of QoL studies, inheriting the tradition of the 'social indicators' movement, which focused on the non-economic components of societal well-being (Sabbadini and Maggino, 2018).
Testa and Simonson (1996) emphasize the substantial growth in the evaluation of quality of life (QoL) in clinical research since 1973. During the 80s and 90s, QoL evolved into a powerful concept with a biopsychosocial perspective, applied in patient care, clinical studies, and health economic analyses. This expanded understanding includes psychological fulfilment, happiness, satisfaction, and well-being, extending beyond health-related elements to cover various life situations (Awad, 1997).
Early QoL definitions highlighted social well-being (El Kadi, 1997) and general well-being (Campbell, Converse et al., 1976), focusing on basic human needs and advocating for peaceful community living with advancement opportunities (USIP and PKSOI, 2009). Costanza, Fisher et al. (2007) framed QoL as a general term describing how well human needs are met and the satisfaction or dissatisfaction individuals or groups experience in various life domains.
In response to global challenges, QoL evolved to include environmental and sustainable dimensions. Pacione (2003) emphasized that QoL is influenced by the living environment’ conditions, including air and water pollution, poor housing, and individual factors such as health and education. Ecological economist Daly (2005, 2007) advocated for a shift towards sustainable development, acknowledging the limitations of continuous economic growth and its impact on present and future generations' well-being. This shift involves reconsidering the relationship between economic activities, natural capital, and social equality, with the aim of achieving a more sustainable and equitable world. The historical trajectory of QoL highlights its multidisciplinary roots and its crucial role in shaping our understanding of individual and societal well-being.
Evolution of QoL IndicatorsIn recent decades, governments and intergovernmental organizations have increasingly utilized quality of life (QoL) indicators to assess societal progress at different scales (Porio, 2015). The United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-HABITAT) emphasises the importance of urban liveability, advocating for cities that are people-oriented, meet residents’ quality of life needs, and allow residents to live and work in contentment (Tsuang and Peng, 2018). The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set for 2015 played a pivotal role in addressing issues like poverty reduction and living conditions improvement in developing countries (UN, 2013).
However, Porio (2015) notes that the MDGs primarily focused on quantifiable indicators, overlooking subjective and qualitative dimensions of urban life. This led to a recommendation for a more nuanced approach, contextualizing indicators for better relevance.
According to Otok (1987) and Winiarczyk-Raźniak (2004), incorporating subjective indicators into QoL assessment poses challenges due to their inherently immeasurable nature. Yet, psychologists like Dazord, Gerin et al. (1994) suggest using the comprehensive term "quality of life" to consider both subjective and objective aspects. Influenced by contemporary perspectives, such as those of Easterlin and Angelescu (2012) and the capabilities approach, there's a growing emphasis on a holistic understanding of QoL, integrating economic, social, health, environmental, and subjective well-being dimensions. This acknowledges the interdependence of these factors in shaping overall well-being, departing from simplistic economic measures.
In summary, the concept of quality of life has evolved into a multidimensional framework, that acknowledges various facets of human existence and incorporates interdisciplinary professional approaches and a variety of interest factors (Sultana, Suhi et al., 2022). This evolution reflects a growing understanding of the complexity and diversity of factors influencing individuals' well-being.
Objective and Subjective Dimensions of QoLTo assess QoL, it is crucial to consider both objective and subjective indicators specific to each context and generally linked to three essential dimensions. The first dimension is related to the physical context, encompassing factors such as comfort and housing conditions like materials and quality of built housing, occupancy rate per room and dwelling, connection to various networks, and so on (El Kadi, 1997). The second dimension focuses on the living environment, incorporating indicators such as the location of dwellings, distance to amenities, accessibility, environmental pollution (Winiarczyk-Raźniak, 2004), safety, etc. The third dimension is associated with the social and economic conditions for individual emancipation (El Kadi, 1997). In other words, it involves examining the socio-economic characteristics of sub-groups, including household size and composition, social status, work, neighbours’ relationships and so forth (Winiarczyk-Raźniak, 2004).
Residents' Satisfaction as an IndicatorResidential satisfaction emerges as a pivotal indicator of QoL (Al Shawabkeh, Alzouby et al., 2021; González, Baeza et al., 2024), influenced by the three dimensions identified above (Campbell, Converse et al., 1976). Sulaiman and Yahaya (1987) assert that numerous past studies reveal a significant link between housing satisfaction and overall satisfaction with quality of life. Amole (2009) indicates that both objective and subjective indicators of housing features, including physical, social/psychological, and management factors, as well as resident demographic characteristics can influence residents' satisfaction. Furthermore, Kabisch, Poessneck et al. (2021) indicate that the number of potential predictor variables influencing residents' satisfaction is enormous, leading most studies to employ multivariate statistics to investigate the impact of household characteristics and specific environmental features on the overall satisfaction. They subdivide these variables into groups linked to the sociodemographic characteristics of residents, and others related to the objective characteristics and subjective measures of the residential environment, like dwelling size, perceived pleasantness and aesthetics, residential comfort, perceived safety, etc.
Integration of Residential Satisfaction in Urban SettingsAccording to Biswas, Sultana et al. (2021), Fried and Gleicher were the pioneers introducing the term "residential satisfaction" in the context of living in an urban slum back in 1961. Residential satisfaction is defined as the positive or negative feelings of occupants regarding their place of residence. Its index is significantly positively correlated with dwelling unit characteristics, social environment, support services and public facilities (Mohit and Azim, 2012). Additionally, individual level determinants play a crucial role, encompassing demographic and socioeconomic characteristics such as age, household type and size, educational level, race and ethnic affiliation, income, tenure and length of occupancy, floor level, etc. (Boschman, 2018; Mohit and Azim, 2012; Waziri, Yusof et al., 2013).
Temporal Dimension in Residential SatisfactionBeing influenced by both physical and non-physical factors (the social environment), residential satisfaction is subject to change over time (Gan, Zuo et al., 2019). Considering the temporal dimension in analytical approaches becomes crucial for a comprehensive understanding of residential satisfaction (Campbell, Converse et al., 1976; Kabisch, Poessneck et al., 2021). For this reason, in our study, we look at the changes, over time, that the state has experienced, in order to understand the significance of the QoL of the residents today. Acknowledging the dynamic nature of QoL assessment allows for a more nuanced and meaningful representation of the evolving factors impacting individuals' satisfaction with their living environment.
Overall, this work is relevant as it delves into the historical and theoretical aspects of QoL and employs a comprehensive methodology to assess QoL in a specific urban setting that of an urban marginality represented by a resettlement estate. This approach considers both objective and subjective dimensions, it takes into account the changes that the estate, the dwellings and the residents’ conditions have seen over time, and how these may have affected the QoL of the residents.
Based on the insights provided by the literature review section, which highlights the necessity of integrating both objective indicators (measurable, physical conditions) and subjective ones (residents' perceptions and satisfaction) to capture the full spectrum of QoL, the research outlined in this paper was undertaken using both objective and subjective approaches. These approaches utilized quantitative and qualitative methods to assess the quality of life in the Mûriers resettlement estate. The data collection and analysis procedures unfolded in three consecutive phases.
The Pilot StudyThis phase serves as an exploratory stage, aiming to establish a comprehensive understanding of the quality of life in urban marginalities in Constantine and to gauge the response of the residents to such a study. A field of observation was employed in combination with open-ended and closed-ended interview questions. This combination facilitated the identification of relevant issues, and more importantly, the nature and scale of the sampling. Engaging with local inhabitants allowed for the recruitment of participants.
The Field WorkThe survey phase spans 5 days and includes a field survey (observation) and face-to-face interviews with residents, building upon the insights gained from the pilot study. Emphasizing direct interaction with residents, this survey assesses both external and internal living conditions. The primary goal is to cross-reference these conditions with residents' socio-economic characteristics and their level of satisfaction, providing a comprehensive evaluation of the quality of life in this urban marginality.
The sampling process involves dwellings as the representative sample. The sampling rate is set at 15% of the total number of dwellings in the case study, equating to 54 dwellings out of 362. This selection process employs the simple random method, ensuring a representative and unbiased sample for the subsequent phases of the research, which encompass the entirety of the study area.
Survey by ObservationThis phase aims to gather information, on the ground, update existing data, and ascertain the changes in the urban marginality over time. Photography, on-site observation and maps were used to assess the following:
Interviews were conducted with the participants using a combination of open and closed-ended questions. These interviews involved residents from 54 dwellings (one per dwelling), housing 448 individuals distributed among 103 households. Respondents provided specific answers to well-defined questions or selected responses from the options provided by the interviewers.
Ethical considerations were prioritized as the participants were fully informed about the study's purpose their consent was obtained prior to taking part. Furthermore, all efforts were made to safeguard the privacy of the participants. Personal information obtained during the surveys, such as demographic details, was handled with confidentiality. Data collected from each household was anonymized and identified only by the corresponding house number.
Data Processing and InterpretationThe processing and analysis of the data collected were carried out using the descriptive statistical method through SPSS for several reasons. The study involves the collection of both quantitative and qualitative data. Descriptive statistics are particularly effective in analysing and interpreting quantitative data, providing numerical summaries such as averages, percentages, and rates. These metrics are easy to understand, making the results accessible to a wide audience, including policymakers, researchers, and the general public. The chosen method also provides an objective and standardized way to measure and report on various indicators. This ensures consistency and reliability in the analysis, allowing for a more robust evaluation of the data.
The analytical approach was applied to four representative evaluation criteria; external living conditions (estate), internal living conditions, residents' attributes and residents' satisfaction. As described in Section 4, each of the criteria covers a specific set of indicators (Figure 3).
The selection of specific indicators for QoL in this study is deeply rooted in a thorough understanding of the historical, social, and theoretical contexts provided in the earlier sections of the paper. The set of indicators employed in this study serves the overarching goal of delivering a comprehensive assessment of the quality of life. These measures are designed to thoroughly evaluate the external and internal living conditions within the estate, the demographic and socioeconomic attributes of the residents, and gauge their overall satisfaction. By adopting this multifaceted approach, we aim to contribute to a nuanced and comprehensive understanding of the quality of life in the Mûriers resettlement estate.
Assessing the quality of life in the Mûriers resettlement estate requires examining the indicators related to the residents' external living conditions, that is, evaluating the physical conditions of the estate under the three headings below.
Access to Public TransportationThe estate is well served by public transport because of its position on the bus route connecting the city centre to several suburbs in the East of the city, and others outside the city (Figure 4).
The estate is currently well-equipped and well-served by public services and facilities. These consist of three schools located on the North and North-West sides, a mosque, located on the South-West side, and a health centre located on the North-Eastern side (Figure 4). However, the location of the latter one opposite the houses has caused inconvenience to some residents who feel that its perimeter fence obstructs their view and reduces access to air flow and sunlight.
Additionally, there is a public amenities zone to the South-East of the estate (Figure 4), that was established in the post-independence period. This area houses several public services, including a post office, the civil protection service, a police station, the water utility company’s offices; the tax inspectorate, the Office of Property Development and Management "OPGI", a football pitch, and a middle school. The latter is overcrowded as it serves the Mûriers and the neighbouring estate of Bentellis. The presence of such an amenities zone enables the estate to become increasingly autonomous from the city centre.
Shops catering to basic needs and other services dominate the estate's activities. The majority of them are concentrated along the two main axes and on the ground floor of the houses along the main highway (National Highway No 3).
Conditions of Roads and Public SpacesAs part of the Decentralized Sectorial Programme of 2014, a substantial budget was allocated to enhance the living conditions of the citizens in the province of Constantine. As a result, the Mûriers estate, along with many others in the province, underwent urban improvement work. The planned programme included resurfacing roads, creating green spaces, installing street furniture (such as concrete benches), illuminating the estate's football pitch for night games, and installing floodlights beneath the interchange bridge, connecting the estate to the neighbouring estates (Sidi-Mabrouk and Daksi), to address security concerns in this dimly lit area.
In reality, the estate only benefited from public lighting and road resurfacing. Noticeably, the current road surface throughout the network, remains in a commendable condition. The problem, however, remains that of the lack of designated parking spaces within the estate. Figure 5 illustrates how residents and visitors use the streets for parking throughout the day.
While there are a few exceptions, most streets are well-maintained and clean. The lack of cleanness persists, however, around the areas designated for waste collection as some residents irresponsibly discard their waste on the ground. This issue is compounded by the street cleaners’ tendency to neglect the peripheral areas, residents' nonparticipation in estate maintenance, and malfunction in the street-level waste chutes. Effective maintenance of the estate requires collaborative efforts from both residents and city managers.
Residents' Internal Living Conditions: DwellingsThe analysis of housing conditions is a crucial criterion for assessing the quality of life encompassing both objective and subjective evaluations of the material living conditions in Mûriers resettlement estate. This involves quantitative and qualitative analysis of decent housing standards.
Dwelling Design and Habitable SpaceThe rustic architectural design of the Mûriers resettlement estate, as well as its small size compared to European dwellings, contributes to its marginality. The houses are single-storey buildings with an open courtyard, available in two variants: two and three rooms of 52 m² and 67.5 m² respectively (Hafiane, 1989). Figure 6 shows the typical layouts. Many of the residents have undertaken alterations to their houses to increase their habitable space, enhance living conditions, and improve their financial situation.
Various transformations and adaptations, affecting both interior and exterior aspects of houses, have been carried out. These include:
| Dwelling category | Number | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Single storey unit | 16 | 29.7 |
| 2 storey unit | 18 | 33.3 |
|
3 storey unit 3 storey unit with a converted ground floor |
12 4 |
22.2 7.4 |
|
4 Storey unit 4 storey unit with a converted ground floor |
2 2 |
3.7 3.7 |
| Total | 54 | 100 |
The Mûriers urban marginality has been connected to all basic public utilities since its establishment. All dwellings had electricity and gas connections, drinking water, and a wastewater collection system. However, the water connection did not extend to kitchen, stopping at the bathroom. Residents also faced challenges such as inadequate kitchens space and habitable space in general, along with the inconvenience of having the toilet located in the same room as the bathing facility. The absence of such comfort amenities contributes to the deterioration of living conditions.
This situation has improved, as currently every surveyed house has running water in the kitchen or kitchenette, and houses with several households often have multiple kitchens. In 30 houses (56%), a modest bathroom has been created. Additionally, 25 houses (46%) have a living room, while the remaining 29 (54%) do not, mainly because all rooms are used as bedrooms in houses with more than one household. Consequently, the living room, bringing the entire large family together, no longer exists.
Ventilation is not an issue in most three-room houses due to adequate openings. Houses with an open courtyard also benefit from better ventilation. However, most two-room houses, especially those with a removed or enclosed courtyard, face ventilation issues as they are not aligned with the side streets and hence lack an initial facade for openings. Even when individuals take advantage of the limited space available to create openings (Figure 7), it remains insufficient to ensure proper ventilation throughout the house.
Indeed, the densification of the estate’s urban fabric and the elevation of dwellings have reduced the exposure to daylight and sunlight for terraced houses and those in front of them with fewer levels, particularly affecting single-storey houses (Figure 8).
The majority of dwellings in the estate have undergone some form of spatial development, either through old or recent upgrading work, or total demolition and reconstruction as depicted in Figure 9.
Simultaneously, some dwellings exhibit basic or poor build quality (Figure 10) because their owners lack the resources to improve the construction quality or conduct maintenance work to mitigate against the wear and tear over time. Thus, the build quality of the dwellings varies from one to the next. While 52 % of the dwellings surveyed are of good build quality, 20 % of them exhibit average build quality, and 28 % are of poor quality.
Studying residents' attributes involves analysing several factors related to their demographic characteristics and socioeconomic status, which, in turn, can influence their quality of life. Such factors include household size and composition, occupancy rate, educational status, income, employment, housing tenure, etc., and most of these indicators have been analysed in the following sections.
Residents' Demographic CharacteristicsAccording to the field survey data, the average household size is estimated at 4.34 persons, the occupancy rate per room is estimated to be 1.88 people/habitable room, and the occupancy rate per dwelling is equivalent to 8.3 people/dwelling. This rate is higher than the municipality of Constantine's 5.7 people/dwelling, and even higher than the national average of 6.4 people/dwelling (ONS-DTSPE, 2009).
This data demonstrates that the upgrading work and the spatial improvements to the majority of the dwellings did not reduce households' overcrowding. A significant proportion of dwellings (46 % of those surveyed or 25 dwellings), house more than a single household sharing a family house (Table 2). All the households in these shared arrangements are connected by blood ties. In such living situations, each household occupies either one or more rooms or an entire level of the house.
| No. Household per house | No. of occurrences | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | 29 | 53.7 |
| 2 | 11 | 20.4 |
| 3 | 10 | 18.5 |
| 4 | 2 | 3.7 |
| 5 | 1 | 1.9 |
| 9 | 1 | 1.9 |
| Total | 54 | 100 |
This overcrowding is a consequence of the housing crisis and a lack of financial resources for households to own or rent their own property, indicating a decline in housing quality in this urban marginality.
Socio-economic Status and Housing TenureIn terms of socioeconomic status, 38 of the 54 first-generation heads of households (70%) worked in the public sector, while 16 heads of families (30%) were employed in other professions (traders, peasants in a firm, carpenters, masons, labourers, etc.). In the current generation, a large proportion of heads of households or household members work as public servants, with some inheriting their fathers' jobs in factories and public administrations, while others engage in more liberal professions such as traders, labourers, drivers, dental technicians, and so on.
Based on the 103 households interviewed, four primary groups are identified (Figure 11):
The study reveals that this resettlement estate was not created particularly for the poorest strata of Constantine's Algerian population. Its first occupants were salaried workers (milk factory workers, administration workers, railway workers, teachers, health-care technicians, nurses, policemen) and storekeepers, who had the financial means to pay a monthly rent of 4,800 Francs for a three-room house (Hafiane, 1989, p. 86) or own a property. Most of the dwellings in the sample (52 or 96%) are still occupied and owned by its original dwellers, with only two households (4 %) being tenants.
Residents' SatisfactionIn this section, we analyse residents' opinions regarding their estate, dwellings conditions, and social environment, as well as their intention to change their housing or/and estate.
Level of Satisfaction with The EstateTo assess the residents' level of satisfaction qualitatively and quantitatively with their estate, a representative sample of 54 respondents was used. The respondents were asked to indicate their level of satisfaction using one of four possible answers: rather satisfied, satisfied, rather dissatisfied and dissatisfied. Overall, 72% (39 out of 54) of respondents expressed some level of satisfaction with their estate’s conditions. Sixteen respondents (29.6%) were completely satisfied and 23 (42.6%) indicated that they were rather satisfied (Figure 12).
Among the reasons they gave for their responses were the good neighbourly relationships they have developed over time, the proximity to the city centre and other important estates, good access to public transportation, availability of all the public amenities and services necessary for their daily lives; and increased levels of security and calm since the eradication of a neighbouring slum. On the other hand of the spectrum, seven respondents were rather dissatisfied, and the remaining eight were completely dissatisfied with their estate. Their reasons included; the lack of children's playgrounds, the working-class nature of the estate that gives rise to delinquency and associated anti-social behaviour affecting the levels of noise and perceived security.
Level of Satisfaction with The DwellingTo gain valuable insight into the residents' satisfaction with their housing conditions in this urban marginality, the respondents were asked two questions. First, they were asked to indicate their satisfaction level with the housing conditions by choosing from four options: rather satisfied, satisfied, rather dissatisfied, dissatisfied. In the second question they were asked about their intentions with regard to the opportunity to relocate away from the estate. They had two options to choose from; accept to move away and refuse to move away.
Out of a total of 54 respondents, 16.7% (9 individuals) expressed complete satisfaction with their housing conditions, while 22% (12 individuals) reported being rather satisfied. On the other hand, 29.7% (16 individuals) were rather dissatisfied, and 31.5% (17 individuals) were completely dissatisfied with their housing conditions (Figure 12).
Regarding residents' intentions to move away from the estate, 35% (19 respondents) expressed a desire to stay in their current homes and rejected the idea of moving, while 65% (35 respondents) sought to move or explore alternative housing options for various reasons. Among those intending to leave, 40% (14 out of 35 respondents) expressed the desire to have their own house to currently sharing a residence with their parents. Additionally, 37% (13 out of 35 respondents) cited the dwelling's small size and deteriorating conditions as their primary reasons for wanting to move. Other reasons included inheritance-related issues for 20% of those intending to relocate (7 out of 35 respondents), while one respondent (2.9%) highlighted the poor conditions of the estate as the reason for wanting to leave.
Regardless of alterations, a significant number of residents remain dissatisfied with their houses due to various factors. These include concerns about the house design, the lack and/or inadequacy of living conditions (such as sanitary facilities, kitchen size, low sunlight, and air infiltration levels), overcrowding, the general deterioration of the building fabric, and family inheritance-related issues. Consequently, the majority express a preference for leaving their current houses and moving to social housing, perceiving it as a better option. This choice is driven by the expectation of having more habitable space and increased privacy in the new accommodation.
Despite the substantial investments were made in the housing sector in Algeria ("National Report on Housing for the Conference on Housing, Habitat Iii,"", 2014) and the delivery of a considerable number of housing units, the issue of housing availability persists (Djafri and Mohamed Osman, 2021) . Ensuring quality, adequate, and affordable housing remains a significant concern in urban policies (Djafri, Mohamed Osman et al., 2019), primarily due to the continuous increase in the urban population.
While housing is crucial, ensuring a decent quality of life that meets residents' expectations is even more critical. As noted by Waziri, Yusof et al. (2013), quality of life is determined by households' satisfaction with the overall living environment, catering their needs and aspirations. Various factors, including age, education level, and income, influence housing satisfaction, as highlighted by Teck-Hong (2012).
Since gaining independence, public authorities have sought to improve the quality of life in urban marginalities such as informal settlements, resettlement estates, through initiatives like urban restructuring and urban improvement. The case study of the Mûriers resettlement estate in Constantine illustrates the positive impact of urban expansion on its connectivity and accessibility. Moreover, numerous facilities and public services have been implemented to enhance residents' quality of life.
Nevertheless, challenges persist within the estate, including the absence of essential infrastructure and services such as cultural amenities, children’s playgrounds, green spaces. Additionally, a significant number of houses face issues like physical degradation, overcrowding, inadequate size of rooms, the absence of sanitary facilities in most houses, and disrepair affecting houses of poorer households. These problems result from a combination of weathering and the lack of regular maintenance.
While residents' satisfaction with the overall living environment serves as a gauge for the estate's quality of life, survey results reveal two distinct groups with varied responses. Firstly, some residents express satisfaction with their estate, deeming it the best in the city due to positive neighbourly relationships they have cultivated over time, advantageous location, and available amenities. However, they voice concerns about the suboptimal conditions within their dwellings.
Conversely, another group of residents expresses a desire to change both their dwelling and estate. They perceive the area as a working space with low-quality living conditions and an unfavourable environment. Despite overall improvements in the resettlement estate, residents feel that these efforts fall short in creating a truly decent quality of life.
The present study assesses the quality of life in one of Constantine's urban marginalities, offering practical insights to policymakers to enhance living conditions in similar contexts. The study was carried out by a combination of objective and subjective assessments, using residents' points of view relating to four criteria (external living conditions, internal living conditions, residents' attributes, and residents' satisfaction). This comprehensive evaluation, not only informs future research but also serves as a foundation for evidence-based policy interventions aimed at addressing challenges in urban marginalities.
The findings reveal a significant improvement in the quality of life within the resettlement estate since its inception. External living conditions have seen positive changes, including a favorable location, easy access to public transportation, the introduction of public facilities and services since independence, and the development of the road network. Internal living conditions have also improved, with owners transforming the majority of dwellings and, in some cases, undertaking radical rebuilding of the original structures.
Despite these improvements, residents expressed dissatisfaction with the living conditions as they see these not providing a decent quality of life yet. Overall, 28% of respondents were dissatisfied with the living conditions of the estate, and 61% were dissatisfied with dwelling living conditions. The responses of the latter category highlight the enduringly low quality of life in this estate. This is especially relevant to households with low income unable to afford the renovation of their homes.
While the study celebrates a number of findings leading to some recommendations, it also recognises several limitations related to data collection, chosen indicators, and generalizability. Constraints in physical and financial resources made it infeasible to interview all inhabitants in the sampled dwellings to delve into satisfaction levels by age and gender.
As a result, the sampling method, though representative, aggregated household responses, potentially masking individual differences, particularly by age and gender. The integration of both objective and subjective indicators, while comprehensive, also has inherent limitations. Objective indicators may not fully capture the nuances of residents' lived experiences and personal satisfaction, while subjective indicators, though valuable, are influenced by individual perceptions that can vary widely and be affected by temporary factors.
Additionally, the chosen indicators were tailored to the Mûriers resettlement estate and its unique historical and social context. While relevant for this study, these indicators might not be entirely applicable or comprehensive for assessing quality of life in other urban contexts with different socio-economic and cultural backgrounds. Different cities may have varying factors influencing quality of life, necessitating context-specific studies. The relatively small sample size further constrains the generalizability of the results. Future research could address these issues by employing more granular data collection methods, expanding sample sizes, and including various urban contexts to provide a broader and more accurate understanding of urban quality of life.
In conclusion, this study makes a significant contribution to the understanding of one type of urban marginalities in a specific context in the global South (resettlement estate) and provides a foundation for evidence-based policy interventions. The recommendations drawn from the study's findings encompass various aspects:
The adoption of such recommendations, stakeholders such as researchers, policymakers, urban planners, social providers and local communities can work towards community-driven, evidence-based sustainable interventions, leading to improvements in the quality of life for residents in similar urban contexts.
Conceptualization, resources and literature compilation, B.B and H.B.; methodology, data analysis, investigation, writing—original draft Preparation, formatting, and submission, B.B.; writing—review, editing and supervision, H.B. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of the paper.
We sincerely appreciate the residents of the Mûriers estate for their warm welcome, generosity, and invaluable time in sharing their insights with us. Their willingness to engage in our research and respond to our questions has been instrumental in enriching our study.
