オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
論文
ヒッタイト語動詞にみられる語幹形成母音 -e/a-
吉田 和彦
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ジャーナル フリー

2013 年 56 巻 1 号 p. 1-15

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It is well known that the Anatolian languages have virtually no attestation of simple thematic verbs in *-e/o-, but thematic verbs with a suffix are abundantly attested in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages. Five types of thematic verbs will be discussed in this paper, i.e. Hittite verbs in -ške/a-, Hittite verbs in -ie/a-, Hittite denominative verbs in -āi-/-ā-, Hittite causatives in -e/a-, and Cuneiform Luvian verbs in -i-/-(i)ia-.
 According to the communis opinio, Hittite active thematic verbs in -e/a- reflect the Proto-Indo-European alternation of the thematic vowels *-e- and *-o-, i.e. 1 sg. *-o-mi, 2 sg. *-e-si, 3 sg. *-e-ti, 1 pl. *-o-meni (vel sim.), 2 pl. *-e-teni (vel sim.), 3 pl. *-o-nti. But there does not seem to be any compelling evidence for reconstructing the thematic vowel *-o- in pre-Hittite or further back in Proto-Anatolian. The Hittite thematic vowel -a- in the active paradigm of the above five types of verbs does not go back to PIE *-o-. It is historically derived from *-e- by a phonological rule that changed Proto-Anatolian *e to a in Hittite in post-tonic open syllables before sonorants except in the 3 pl. present -anzi, the a timbre of which is explained by a different phonological rule that changed Proto-Anatolian *en to an before a dental as evidenced by Hittite anda 'in(to)' in contrast to Latin endo 'id.'. Likewise, the thematic vowel a in Cuneiform Luvian verbs in -i-/-(i)ia- is either a phonological outcome of original *e or of mediopassive origin.
 Complete lack of the thematic vowel *-o- in Hittite and Cuneiform Luvian is a linguistic feature that does not receive a straightforward historical explanation by what would be reconstructed from the traditional Indo-European point of view. Whether the persistent *-e- in the active thematic paradigm is a PIE inheritance or an Anatolian innovation is a problem which must be reserved for a separate future study.

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© 2013 一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
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