The general headquarters of the Yuzu Nembutsu sect is located in the Dainembutsu-ji temple, in Hirano ward, Osaka.
The Holy Saint Daitsu (1649-1716) got official approval to re-establish this sect in 1688, the first year of the Genroku era, in the Edo period.
He achieved several things during his lifetime. For example, he published the Yuzu Enmonsho in 1703, the 16^th year of the Genroku era, and the Yuzu Nembutsu Shingesho in 1705, the 2^nd year of the Hoei era. The first one exists neither as an original book nor in woodblock form. The other exists only as woodblocks. However I have found the book name Yuzu Enmonsho in the Danrin Shingi narabi ni Jo of 1696, the 9^th year of the Genroku era.
Bibliography has proved that the oldest written source is the printed book of the Yuzu Enmonsho from 1834, the 5^th year of the Tempo era. It had a role regarding permission to enter the sect, as any person who wanted to enter the sect had to memorize the Yuzu Enmonsho.

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The paper is mainly intended to make clear the faith of Jokei, a Buddhist priest of the Japanese Hosso sect, in Prince Shotoku. It is necessary at first to decide the authorship of the three works preserved in the Taikyohyakuren-sho. If these works were really written by Jokei, following his view of the prince as the incarnated goddess of mercy, we could verify his strong faith that the life of the prince is likened to Buddha. Jokei again accepts the prince as being one who contributed to the prosperity of the Hosso sect.

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Gyoshin, who belonged to the Hosso-shu in the Nara era, had a peculiar view of hosshin (_??__??_, dharma-kaya) that was associated with ri (_??_) and chi (_??_). In the Ninnokyosho, he postulated that ri-hosshin (_??__??__??_) had the nature of shinnyo (_??__??_, tathata) and chi-hosshin (_??__??__??_) had the nature of shichi (_??__??_, catvarijñanani). However, it has never been reported that Gyoshin possesses a view such as the one indicated above. A background of his thinking can be found in Huizhao's Jinguangming zuishengwang jingshu. Huizhao described the Dharmakaya of the Jinguangming zuishengwang jing through the words ri and chi, and equated it with the Dharmakaya in the broader perspective of Chengweishi lun whose nature was explained to be like that of the five elements (_??__??_, pañca-dharma).

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Zaiarin (1212) and Shogonki (1213) were written by Myoe (1173-1232) as a series of critiques of Honen's (1133-1212) Senchakushu (1198). At the beginning of the study of the two works, we have to define Myoe's basic position on criticism of Senchakushu. As one of the approaches, we will consider Zaijarin and Shogonki comprehensively by focusing attention on the various texts from which Myoe quoted for his criticism of Senchakushu and examine his purpose in quoting them.
The aim of this paper is make clear his criticism common to the two works through the analysis of their structures, and then to compere and examine the texts quoted for it.

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Can we translate manndalipakara in Theragatha 863 with “a circular rampart”?
In the Jataka there are many concepts of vastu-purusa-mandala which is a plan for a temple or a city, but this is not expressed with the word mandala/mandalin. The meaning of mandala/mandalin in verses of the Pali canon can be figured through synthesis with “a theory of mandala” in the Arthasastra of Kautilya and “tisu mandalesu” of the Milindapañha.
It means “a unit with peripheral countries led by one great power in the center” and should be treated as the mandala of politics/military affairs.
The mandala comes to mean “the whole unit with order relation in the center and the outskirts” in primitive Buddhism. And when it is located in the latter half of a compound, it means “a thing in the center (or the best thing) among the aggregation of the kind”.
On the other hand, mandalin means “ruler of a (minor) region” used in “a theory of mandala” as explained in the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary.
Mandalipakara should be translated with “the rampart for (or to protect) a lord or a king of a (minor) region”.

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The first two chapters of the Kanva-recession of the Brhadaranyaka-Upanisad Volume I are, in the Madhyandina-school, included not in the Upanisad portion (Volume XIV) of the Satapatha-Brahmana but in Volume X of the text, i. e. “Agnirahasya (mysterious doctrine of the Agnicayana)”. In this article I point out that these chapters originally belonged to the Agnirahasya, showing that the wording and the logical construction are common to that of the Agnirahasya.
The main theme of these chapters is the overcoming of re-dying (punarmrtyu-) through the Asvamedha, and this is theologically explained with the interpretation of the relation between the Agnicayana, which is included in the Asvamedha, and the horse sacrifice (asvamedhá-).
These chapters can be understood only in a ritualistic and theological context, and so these points are especially discussed: 1) arká- denotes the fire altar of the Agnicayana. 2) “Death (mrtyú -)” symbolizes not Prajapati as has so far been supposed, but the sun and at the same time the golden Purusa (afigure) used in the Agnicayana. 3) This theological interpretation is based on and developed from the Brahmana interpretation of an oblation (arkasvamedháyoh sámtati-) which is performed in the Agnicayana.

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Old-Indo-Aryan ádbhuta- ‘mysterious, miraculous, wonderful, marvelous’ is a common adjective since the Rgveda. The word is, undoubtedly, derived from a negated verbal adjective of the root dabh ‘to deceive’, as already shown by K. Hoffmann. Another verbal adjective form is found in á-dabdha- ‘not (to be) deceived’. The Proto-Indo-Iranian form is supposed to have been *(á)dbd^ha- (<*-d^h-b^h-ta- through Bartholomae's rule) on the basis of Young Avestan abda- ‘wonderful’. OIA. á-dabdha- and JAv. dapta- ‘deceived’ are innovated by introducing the full grade root form. In the case of ádbhuta-, the root consonants as well as the formant -ta- are reserved by -u-, which is gained through the re-interpretation of the pres. *db^h-náu-/db^h-nu- as a -n-in-fix-present *dbh-ná-u-/db^h-n-u-. The original meaning is held by á-dabdha-and dapta-, which seem to be younger forms, while somewhat older ádbhuta- and abda- are charged with the derived meaning. Also the adverb OIA. addhá and OAV. OPers. azda ‘obviously, clearly’ are examined, considering the problem of simplifying the three plosives group. They go back most probably to *ad ‘this’+ -dhá, in spite of the common opinion today. (Detailed discussions are to be published in German in Fs. Klingenschmitt.)

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Prasastapada, who organized the Vaisesika philosophy, constructed his epistemology following in the tradition of Vaisesikasutra (A. D. 1c.). He also adopted the causal theory of non-existence of effects (asat-karya-vada) in his epistemological system. In this paper, the author intends to consider the relationship between Prasastapada's epistemology and causality in his main work, Prasastapadabhasya (A. D. 6c.).
We can see the three kinds of causes in asat-karya-vada. The first is the intimate cause (samavayi-karana), the second is the non-intimate cause (asamavayi-karana), the third is the efficient cause (nimitta-karana). These causes and their expressions correspond to the distinction of cognition in Prasastapada's epistemology.
In direct cognition (pratyaksa), non-intimate cause is the contact with atman and manas, and efficient cause is expressed with the term apeksa. But non-intimate cause means to see the sign (linga) in inference (anumana). In memory (smrti), non-intimate cause also means the ‹special› contact with atman and manas. In the saint's cognition (arsajñana), both causes are expressed in ablative form.
From these points, we can conclude that Prasastapada's epistemology parallels the distinction of causes in his causality.

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This article studies a simile of the ocean found in the Yogasastravivarana with a view to comparative research. I research similar similes discovered in Sankara's works, in order to solve the vexed problem of the authorship of the Yogasastravivarana.

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Both in Udayana's Nyayavarttikatatparyaparisuddhi (NVTP) and in Ratnakirti's Isvarasadhanadusana (ISD), the following Sanskrit fragment of Prajñakaragupta's Pramanavarttikalamkara (PVA) is found:
yatkincid atmabhimatam vidhaya niruttaras tatra krtah parena/vastusvabhavair iti vacyam ittham tadottaram [ISD: tathottaram] syad vijayi samastah//
While Prajñakaragupta states this verse and Ratnakirti quotes it in the context of the refutation of Naiyayikas' proof of the existence of God (isvara), Udayana refers to it in the context of the refutation of the Buddhist view of unreality. The question arises: What is Udayana's intention in quoting the passage from PVA?
The key to the answer to this question is the word ‘svabhavavada’, which occurs in the passage of Jñanasrimitra's Vyapticarca (VC) or Ratnakirti's Vyaptinirnaya that is cited by Udayana in his NVTP immediately before the citation of the present verse of PVA. The word ‘svabhavavada’ in the very passage should be taken as signifying ‘to speak of the essence of a thing’ or ‘to explain about a thing in terms of its own essence’ rather than ‘naturalism’ as held by Carvakas. It is to be noted that in the given context the word ‘svabhavavada’ really means ‘to answer the question raised by an opponent, in terms of the essence of a thing, in a debate’ (vastusvabhavair uttaram vacyam).
In NVTP a Buddhist opponent explains the absence of a pot (ghatabhava), which is an unreal entity for him, resorting to this ‘svabhavavada’. In VC, however, Jñanasrimitra says that one can resort to the ‘svabhavavada’ only with reference to a real entity. In PVA, in addition, Prajñakaragupta says with irony that when a proponent is hard-pressed for an answer to the question raised by an opponent, the proponent should rely on the ‘svabhavavada’, which gives him victory.
Thus it is clear that Udayana quotes the verse of PVA together with the passage of VC with the intention of refuting the Buddhist view of an unreal entity, with irony and sarcasm.

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Jataka texts say that Sakyamuni Buddha accumulated a good amount of merit through his acts such as making offerings as a layman in his previous life. And it is understood that as a reward, he became a buddha in this life. But under the theory of reincarnation, a layman who accumulates merits, in general, would be born as a man or a deity in his next life, and he could not become a buddha liberated from reincarnation. To solve this problem, monks (bhiksus) thought that the Buddha had bodhi as his essence (sattva), namely, he was a “bodhisattva.” Therefore we should say that the original meaning of “bodhisattva” was “the one who has bodhi as his essence (sattva).”
Later, some monks who were worried about the trends of the age that the “True Doctrine (saddharma) is dying out” insisted that the purpose of Buddhism was not to become an arhat but to become a buddha, and they proceeded towards Awakening (bodhau sampratisthati). Then they called themselves “sentient beings (sattva) who seek for bodhi” i. e., bodhisattva, and with this consciousness they entered into the way of practice of monks. And this is the beginning of Mahayana Buddhism.

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In the Vedic religion, the word vajra originally referred to natural phenomena, that is, lightning or thunderbolts, and it was considered to be a weapon of the god Indra. Later, when it was incorporated into Buddhism, its destructive power took the concrete form of a pestle and was internalized as the “destruction of worldly desires.” In Abhidharma Buddhism, the destructive power of the vajra was likened to the power of samadhi and called the “concentration compared to a vajra” (vajropamasamadhi _??__??__??__??_), and was defincd as the concentration of an instant experienced immediately becfore before the ultimate stage of deliverance. In other words, this concentration destroys the worldly desires that need to be severed in the stage of intellectual practice (darsana-marga _??__??_) and spiritual practice (bhavana-marga _??__??_), and it is the final concentration on the path leading to deliverance. In the theory of practice in the Mahayana, this concentration is reconstructed as the practice of the bodhisattva (bodhisattvacarya). When one analyzes its development on the basis of the Prajñaparamita Sutras, in which it was systematized for the first time in the Mahayana, it becomes clear that its structure is such that when a bodhisattva confirmed as having reached the stage of bodhisattva (bodhisattva-nyama)enters into the vajromasamdhi, the “intelligence of a single instant” (eka [la] ksana-samayukta prajña-)arises in his concentration, followed by the “intelligence of all-knowing” (sarvakarajñata)through that intelligence.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the sectarian affiliation of stories contained in the Xianyu jing (_??__??__??_), paying attention to the use of narratives and cliches in the extant Vinayas. If, for instance, we find the same story in both a sutra of an unknown sect and in all the extant Vinayas, and we can confirm that the recension of the sutra shares certain parallels in terms of the narrative and stock phrases with only one Vinaya, then the sutra can be safely ascribed to that sect. Here I would like to show some examples which may offer sufficient evidence to support the claim that the stories contained in this sutra are indeed to be ascribed to the Sarvastivadins.

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When were the avadanamalas, i. e. the Kalpadrumavadanamala, Ratnavadanamala, Ratnavadanatattva, Asokavadanamala and so on composed? For a solution to this problem I have attempted to confirm the relationship between chapters of avadanamalas and the Avadanakalpalata (A. D. 1052). I have searched through avadanamalas for verses borrowed from the Avadanakalpalata. A conclusion of this paper is the following. I call all chapters of the ‘Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata-affiliation’ in many avadanamalas group B, and all chapters of the ‘Avadanasataka-affiliation’ in avadanamalas group A. Both groups A and B were composed in Nepal after 1052, which is to say, after the Avadanakalpalata. Group B was composed doubtlessly later than 1302, in which year the oldest Nepalese ms. of Avadanakalpalata, Cambridge Add. 1306, was written. The borrowing of verses from the Avadanakalpalata in group B coincides with the fact that ms. Add. 1306 lacks the first 40 chapters. Group A was composed probably between 1052 and 1302. The seven extra leaves 199*-205* of ms. Add. 1306 can be a proof that the scribe of the ms. knew the Saddantavadana of the Kalpadrumavadanamala (v. de Jong (1977), p. 32).

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The aim of this paper is to contribute to the knowledge of the development of literacy in ancient India by researching the custom of writing epistles found in the Pall Jataka. Because this text contains many descriptions of epistles, some of which were written by townsmen and a merchant's wife, we can assume that the custom of writing epistles was more widespread than our current estimate. We can also find some indication regarding the types of materials that were used for writing epistles. Since we are aware of only two examples in canonical verses (gatha) and others in later commentaries (Jatakatthavannana, etc.), we cannot definitely ascertain the inception and duration of the custom of writing epistles in India. However, this research can help us acquire other information on this phase of development of literacy in ancient India.

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The Pali tradition mentions two kinds of the Buddha's first words: one corresponds to Dh. 153-4, the other denotes the first three verses of Vin. I (=Ud. 1-3). According to the former, the Buddha, having discovered the craving which makes His own existence in transmigration, destroyed mental defilements and ignorance with which His existence is covered just like with a roof. Then He attained the extinction of the cravings. The latter occurred to Him after having considered dependent origination (paticca-samuppada) through the night under the Bodhi-tree. Here the constituent elements of human existence (dhamma) become clear (open) to the Buddha. Among these elements (dhamma), He realizes the Law (dhamma, Truth) which accompanies the causes and conditions of human existence and He knows the cessation of these causes and conditions as well. These elements (dhamma) may mean the elements (anga) of dependent origination, or 5 aggregates and 6 (or 12) spheres of perception and cognition, etc., which exist when the causes and conditions exist, and which cease to exist when these causes and conditions cease to exist, according to the Law of dependent origination.

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On the 24^th Chapter of the Mulamadhyamaka-karika, the Prajñapradipa of Bha (va) viveka quotes a sutra with regard to the Four Noble Truths.
The sutra states, “Mañjusri, whoever sees that all things (dharmas) do not arise knows thoroughly Affliction. Whoever sees that all things do not stop abandons the Origin (of Affliction). Whoever sees that all things are Nirvana in the end realizes the Appeasement. Mañjusri, whoever sees that all things have no effecting effects the Way.”
In regard of this sutra, the Prajñapradipatika of Avalokitavrata comments that the sutra is quoted in order to give the authority which is well known in Mahayana, and such a view is expounded in the 'Phags pa ye shes gsang ba bsgoms du bcug pa'i mdo.
That sutra text nearly coincides with the Arya-mañjusri-pariprccha quoted in the Prasannapada. But those texts are also found in some sutras of the same class, such as the Bodhipaksanirdesa (T. 472) and Visesacintibrahmapariprccha (T. 587).
The views on the Four Noble Truths of these sutras correspond to the Samketika-paramartha-satya.

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There is the statement in the Abhidharma Mahavibhasa (AMBh) translated by Xuanzang _??__??_ that discrimination in meditation is devoid of conceptual construction (nirvikalpaka), but that language exists until the first stage of meditation (prathamadhyana). Dharmakirti (ca. 600-660) calls cognition (jñana) that can combine with language conceptual construction (kalpanajñana). This may be understood to mean that there is no language in meditation. On the contrary, it is said that language exists until the first stage of meditation in the AMBh. The authors of the AMBh regard cognition that is combined with language in the first stage of meditation as non-discriminative (nirvikalpaka), because they say that discrimination in meditation is devoid of conceptual construction.

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Jala-hatthapada is one of the thirty-two characteristics of a great man like the Buddha. In Northern Buddhism, it implies that He had membranes/webs between the digits of His hands and feet.
However, Buddhaghosa's commentaries refute this idea. Buddhaghosa argues that under the rule of the Vinaya, such a man cannot become even a monk. Moreover, the commentaries explain that the lines formed by the digits and their knots in the great man appear like nets.
Some scholars argued this matter and concluded that the idea of webbed digits emanated from a misinterpretation of the sculptures of the Buddha, whose digits were connected by sculptors to prevent them from fracturing.
In this paper, I attempt to demonstrate that the idea of webbed digits originates from the Sarvastivada school. The evidence is as follows. The word “hamsa-raja” (the king of ganders) appears as a simile of jalini-panipada (=jala-hatthapada) in a Sanskrit scripture, namely, the Mahavadana-sutra, and in the Chinese versions of other sutras; all of these were disseminated by the same school. Moreover, I found pictures of two sculptures with webbed digits, probably carved between the 2nd and 3rd centuries in Mathura, where the Sarvastivada school was influential.

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The Asha Archives (Asha Saphu Kuthi) in Nepal has a collection of Sanskrit and Newari manuscripts about 5, 300 in number. In this collection, according to the colophons, I discovered 37 mss. commissioned by Newari traders or artisans who had lived in Tibet (Yoshizaki, “The Modern Newari Buddhist Manuscripts copied in Tibet-from the Collection of Asha Saphu Kuthi, Kathmandu, Nepal, ” forthcoming). Of these mss., 6 or 7 mss. were copied by Ratnamuni Vajracarya in Lhasa. In the first half of his life he was a priest of Sikhamu Baha (Tarumula Mahavihara) of Kathmandu, and he copied 2 mss. dated Newari Samvat 983 and 991. But in his later life, between Newari Samvat 991 and 1001, he proceeded to Lhasa to engage in the business of trade with Tibet. And at least for 12 years he stayed in Lhasa, keeping his habit of copying Buddhist mss. as in the Kathmandu days. Then it seems that later in Lhasa he changed his position from businessman to priest for the Newari merchants in Lhasa (Yoshizaki, “The Vajracaryas in the Newari Merchant Associations in Tibet [Palas], ” forthcoming). He was one of the typical men who intended to maintain the Newari culture in Tibet.

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In the Nikayas and the Chinese Agamas it is a fixed tradition that Sariputta and Mahamoggallana, the two great disciples of Sakyamuni, entered parinibbana earlier than their Teacher. But it is not clear how long before the Teacher's parinibbana this took place. For example, according to the Pali tradition, Sariputta actually appears in the Mahaparinibbanasuttanta; therefore it is necessary that Sariputta's death should have taken place on the way of Buddha's last journey from Rajagaha to Kusinara. But in one of the suttas of Samyuttanikaya Sakyamuni is informed of Sariputta's death when he stays in Savatthi, which he does not visit on his last journey. Although the commentator avoids this contradiction by assuming a lacuna in the description of the Mahaparinibbanasuttanta, we can hardly accept this idea.
This paper intends to clarify the various intricate traditions related to the death of Sariputta found in the Pali scriptures and its commentaries as well as the Northern traditions i. e. those of Samyuktagama, Ekottaragama and Mulasarvastivadavinaya.

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The Mette edition of the Karandavyuha presents differences between the Gilgit Manuscripts and the Samasrami edition (reprinted in the Vaidya edition). This paper focuses on the stories about the six-syllable formula (om manipadme hum) and the mandalas about Avalokitesvara in those editions, and points out that as far as the discussed portions are concerned, the latter edition seems to present a more stressed expression of the six-syllable formula and more tantric aspects than the former.

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In this short article, I treat the discussion between Arabinda Barua and Bhikkhu Ñanamoli concerning the positioning of the Petakopadesa and Nettipakarana. Arabinda Barua said that the Nettipakarana is earlier than the Petakopadesa because the word “netti” appears in the Petakopadesa. He considered the word “netti” to indicate the Nettipakarana. To this claim, Bhikkhu Ñanamoli said that the word “netti” is a noun, not a proper name.
Here, I re-examined the following two questions: (1) Whether the word “netti” in the Petakopadesa indicates the Nettipakarana. (2) Whether the word “netti” in the Petakopadesa and the Nettipakarana is a [common] noun or a proper noun.
My conclusion is as follows: The word “netti” in the Petakopadesa means “sasanassa pariyetthi” (investigation of the teaching), without indicating the Nettipakarana as a text. Therefore, the claim of Arabinda Barua is not upheld. The word “netti” should be considered a [common] noun as long as “sasanassa pariyetthi” is meant. However, there is a possibility that the group of verses which described a summary of “sasanassa pariyetthi” was called “netti”. In this regard, the word “netti” may be a proper noun. Therefore, one revision is necessary to the position of Bhikkhu Ñanamoli.

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Many types of ascetic practices for driving away worldly passions and attaining spiritual awakening are described in Buddhist scriptures. One of them is the Three Learnings preached to bhikkhus and Ananda.
The Three Learnings is explained in detail in the Agama, Vinaya, and Hinayana and Mahayana scriptures. However, some versions of Hinayana and Mahayana scriptures describe the method of practicing the Three Learnings in different ways.
The Samyutta Nikaya, Abhidharmasamgitiparyayapadasastra, Mahasamghika ainaya, Yogacarabhumi, etc. mention the observance of commandments and the maintenance of the pratimoksasamvara as the practice of commandments, the performance of four meditations as the practice of concentration, and the understanding of the fourfold noble truth as the practice of wisdom.
However, the Culavedalla Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya, Vimuttimagga, etc. mention the performance of the eightfold holy path as the practice of the Three Learnings, and the Samdhinirmocana Sutra, Mahayanasutralamkara, etc. mention the Six Paramitas as the practice of the Three Learnings.
In addition, many Buddhist scriptures describe obstacles to practicing the Three Learnings and stages and results attained through the practice the Three Learnings slightly differently.
Because they established the methods of practicing the Three Learnings, obstacles to the practice, stages, etc. differently according to the age of composition of the texts and the sect to which they belong, opinions suggested in these scriptures are various.

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The Abhidharmika Ghosaka, while highlighting the distinction between those who have attained the “peak state” (murdhan-labhin) and those who abide in the peak (murdhan-viharin) coined the term “forbearance” (ksanti) for the “peak state” (murdhan) connected with non-retrogression. Therefore it becomes the first instance in which the ksanti of the virtuous root of nonretrogression is established for the first time.
Persons with middling capacity and the sage can benefit from “not falling to undesirable transmigrations (anapayaga)”; however, the mediocre person acquires the way of not falling to undesirable transmigration (aparihana-dharma) by attaining the forbearance virtuous root (ksanti-kusalamula) whereas the sage acquires the same aparihana-dharma through attaining forbearance and the wisdom of the law of suffering (duhkhadharma-jñana-ksanti).
Regarding the “peak” of bodhisattva-dharma, it can be explained in the three terms: “peak”, “the seat of bodhisattva” (bodhisatttvaniyama), and “resting the mind in no generation and no annihilation” (anutpattika-dharma-ksanti). The relation between the first two is that of “the precursor and successor” while the latter two are one and the same. Those who have attained the “peak state” may backslide whereas those who abide in the “peak” will never fall back.

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In section One, firstly, the author uses the independent gancakra manuals found in the Tibetan Tripitaka as research materials and investigates the basic relationship between gancakra and abhiseka. The initiation, giving entrance permission to the esoteric Buddhist World to applicants, is called the abhiseka ritual. Like the ganacakra, abhiseka is a complex ritual composed of many embedded rituals. Neither of these two rituals includes the other because abhiseka is the initiation ritual for disciples, or non-initiates, and ganacakra is the assembly of the circle of initiates. Applicants offer ganacakra to the elders by assuming the expenses of the ritual, giving the applicants the accumulation of merits. The elders consider them to have been awarded initiation. Secondly, the author considers the cases in which ganacakra ritual was integrated into the sequence of mandalavidhis after the establishment of the fourfold abhiseka system in Buddhist tantric circles. After the accumulation of tantric merits, applicants are allowed to receive kalasa-abhiseka, the first stage initiation. Then applicants offer ganacakra to their guru and elders before advancing to guhya-abhiseka, or the second stage initiation. This pattern continues until the applicants receive the catur-abhiseka, or the fourth stage initiation. In this way, mandalavidhi is the largest tantric ritual complex. The two cases investigated in this section were categorized as “ganacakra as the way toward abhiseka.”
Section Two discusses the other side of gancakra, a ritual for initiates after receiving abhisekas. Firstly, applicants who have received abhiseka, and now have full membership in esoteric Buddhist circles and become a vajracarya, donate the ganacakra to their guru and tantrist colleagues with gratitude. Secondly, tantrists who violate the tantric code (samaya) must hold the ganacakra. These cases of offering ganacakra were categorized as “ganacakra for initiates afterabhiseka.” In conclusion, the author summarizes the above-mentioned analyses and proposes a cyclical model, in which receiving abhiseka and donating ganacakra functioned as the motivations and goals respectively for progressive tantric practitioners.

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Prof. Hiromi Yoshimura says that vijñapti in the Madhyantavibhaga (=MV) I. 3 known through the preaching of the “four manifestations” is used with a meaning different from that found in the Mahayanasamgraha, Vimsatika, and Trimsika. This is due to the fact that vijñapti in MV I. 3 does not convey a mediating subject or object of cognition. However, it is said that alayavijñana possesses cognition (=vijñapti) in both directions, inside and outside, according to a passage which describes the “proof of the existence of alayavijñana” in the Viniscayasamgrahani of the Yogacarabhumi. Taking the ideological influence of the Viniscayasamgrahani into account, one may suppose that the author of the MV I. 3 expressed “bhajana-vijñapti and asraya-vijñapti” which originally meant direct cognition of alayavijñana through the contracted expressions of “artha and sattva”. In that case, asraya-vijñapti would correspond to individual existence, while bhajana-vijñapti would correspond to the surrounding world, meaning that between the two, the relation of the subject and object of cognition is confirmed. As a result of the above-mentioned examination, in MV I. 3, “vijñapti extending over a subject and object of cognition” is expressed through words different from vijñapti.

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The Mahamayatantra (abbr. MMT) is classified by Bu-ston as a yoginitantra. This tantra consists of three chapters and has two other titles, Paramaguhya and Mahaguhya. Ratnakarasanti (ca. 10c. -11c.) wrote a commentary on this tantra, entitled Gunavati. According to his commentary, the fact that the opening word is “atha” indicates that this tantra is a kind of akhyatatantra or uttaratantra (explanatory or supplementary tantra). In the present paper, I try to establish the relationship between the MMT and the Devimahatmya (abbr. DM), a basic Hindu text of worship of the Goddess, through the analysis of the word “brahmanda” in the MMT (chap. 1, verse 4) and in the DM and of some adjectives used to describe the deity, Mahamaya (MMT chap. 1, verse 4-6). According to my hypothesis, the MMT was composed between the eighth and eleventh centuries.

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There exist at least three recensions (Burmese, Laotian & Cambodian) of the Paññasajataka, which is a collection of 50 non-canonical jatakas unique to South East Asia. The Burmese recension was published first in 1981 by P. S. Jaini in the PTS series (No. 172) as “Paññasa-Jataka or Zimmé Pannasa”. In 1998, Chiang Mai University edited and published “A Critical Study of Northern Thai Version of Panyasa Jataka”. Otani University has long held many palm-leaf manuscripts in Khmer script, in which we found 27 stories originated from Paññasajataka. Here, I make a comparative study of the Otani version of the Aditajataka with the equivalent story in the Burmese recension: Adittarajajataka (No. 1) and the Northern Thai version: Adittarajajataka (No. 43). The Aditajataka is a story of gift-giving (dana). The king Adita gives his beloved queen to a Brahman hoping that he will be a buddha in future. The author seems to have composed this story based on the famous Vessantarajataka (No. 547). Comparing these four texts, I conclude that the Northern Thai version seems to show the oldest style and image of the Paññasajataka.

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Vastu appears as the base of verbal denominations and as a verbally inexpressive thing in the Yogacarabhumi, especially in the Tattvartha Chapter of the Bodhisattvabhumi. In the Viniscayasamgrahani, nimitta appears in the same position as vastu. Furthermore, these are connected with the Three-nature Theory. In this paper, I have tried to investigate vastu and nimitta in the connection with the Three-nature Theory.
I have investigated the Three-nature Theory in the Madhyantavibhagabhasya before. From that investigation, I found that the structure of the Threenature Theory in the Madhyantavibhagabadsya is different from that in the other texts of the Yogacara School. Generally, the structure of the Three-nature Theory is thought to be that paratantra-svabhava is a locus of parikalpita-svabhava and parinispanna-svabhava. But in that text, that locus is parinispanna-svabhava. In my opinion, Vasubandhu, who is the author of that text, may possibly be influenced by another text which was written before the Madhyantavibhagabhasya. Through an investigation of vastu and nimitta in the Yogacarabhumi, it appears that there is a possibility that Vasubandhu was influenced by the Three-nature Theory of the Yogacarabhumi.

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The Kayatrayastotra (P no. 2015) may be supposed not to have been written by Nagarjuna, considering the meter, Sragdhara, and the terms for Trikaya, the set of which is not yet seen even in the earliest Yogacara works, i. e. the Bodhisattvabhumi of the Yogacarabhumi, the Samdhinirmocanasutra and the Viniscayasamgrahani of the Yogacarabhumi. It is possible, although we cannot prove it conclusively, that this stotra was composed before the establishment of the Trikaya theory by Vijñanavadins, that is, before the Mahayanasutaralamkara (MSA) and the Mahayanasamgraha (MS). This may be so because, in the karikas (P no. 2015) as well as in the auto-commentary (P no. 2016), (1) we do not find the ideas of vijñanamatra or tathagatagarbha, (2) the three bodies are treated in parallel, which is not the case in Vijñanavada, (3) the term ‘svabhavakaya’ is not used instead of dharmakaya, as is the case in Vijñanavada, and (4) the terms for Trikaya, i. e. dharma-, sambhoga- and nirmana-kaya are simpler than the derivatives used by Vijñanavadins, i. e., svabhavika-, sambhogika-, nairmanika-kaya. Concerning the author, we come to the conclusion, both according to the tradition of Taranatha and to our own investigation, that he is Nagahvaya, who is thought to have flourished after Nagarjuna and before the composition of MSA and MS.

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In this paper, I will explain a part of Bhaviveka's understanding of vyavahara-satya as expressed in the fifteenth chapter of his Prajñapradipa, which is one of the commentaries on Nagarjuna's Madhyamakakarika. Bhaviveka criticises one of the Sarvastivada school's theories that dharmas exist in the three time periods of past, present, and future. The main issue of their argument is whether knowledge has an object or not. The Sarvastivada school insists that knowledge must have an object. Therefore they define dharmas as having svabhava, i. e. a constant and unchanging nature existing in past, present, and future. But Bhaviveka recognizes the existence of objects of perception in his vyavaharasatya. Therefore he does not recognize the existence of objects in the past and future. He recognizes the existence of objects in the present only. His standpoint is similar to the logic in the Yogacarabhumi and the Sautrantika's idea in Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhasya. Therefore Bhaviveka's understanding of vyavaharasatya follows the logic from the Yogacarabhumi and the Sautrantika's Abhidharmakosabhasya in its criticism of the Sarvastivada school's theory that dharmas exist in past, present, and future.

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In the Etadagga vagga of the Anguttara Nikaya (AN. I, pp. 23-26) appear many names of “the excellent disciples”—those who possessed special skills or characteristics. For example, Sariputta was renowed for his profound wisdom. The excellent disciples include not only monks, but also nuns and laity. We find two other Chinese texts which correspond to the Etadagga vagga. They are the Ekottarika Agama (T. 2, pp. 557a-560c) and Aluohan jude jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) (T. 2 pp. 831a-834b). The three sources do mention these excellent disciples, although the numbers of excellent disciples mentioned differ. However, after a comparative study on the excellent disciples' names and skills, it can be said that these texts belong to the same origin.
In addition, the Manorathapurani and the Fenbie gongde lun (_??__??__??__??__??_), the commentaries on the Etadagga vagga and the Ekottarika Agama respectively, include life stories of these excellent disciples, and they are also based on the same original source.
The stories of the excellent disciples exemplify the ideal Buddhist community where, as pointed out in the Etadagga vagga, monks' and nuns' role is to transmit Lord Buddha's teaching to the next generation, and laity's role is to give the Buddhist order their support.

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The dkar chag lDan dkar ma (A. D. 836) mentions 11 Tibetan translations of the Buddhist scriptures, which are translated by shus chen gyi lo tstsha ba ban de Dharmatasila who is one of the compilers of the sGra sbyor bam po gñis pa (A. D. 814), namely Lalou No. 5, 36, 70, 77, 89, 93, 97, 98, 103, 130, 141. In this paper, I examine these colophons in the Tibetan Tripitaka, together with sDe dge edition No. 3910; Peking edition No. 5306 which is not mentioned in the lDan dkar ma. In conclusion, it is clear that Dharmatasila lived -794-797-814-, and his Tibetan translations, which are in existence today, were translated around A. D. 814.

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“sNan bcas pa” and “sNan med pa” are the divisions of Indian Madhyamikas, which were posited by Ron stop Sakya rgyal mtshan, a Sa skya pa master. “sNan med pa” is defined as follows: those who accept the fact that the nonconceptual wisdom of an arya cognizes, in the deepest phase of meditative equipoise, only the reality (dharmata) such as “emptiness (sunyata)” without appearances of conventional objects. The representatives of sNan med pas are Madhyamika masters such as Bhaviveka and Candrakirti. “sNan bcas pa” is defined as those who accept the fact that the nonconceptual wisdom of an arya arises in the above-mentioned phase, cognizing appearances of conventional objects, with the aspect devoid of intrinsic nature. The representatives of sNan bcas pas are Arya-Vimuktisena and Haribhadra, who are famous for their commentaries on the Abhisamayalamkara. Haribhadra's commentary is one of the sources for the arguments of Ron ston, but he inherited, in actuality, many interpretations from his master, gYag phrug Sans rgyas dpal. As for the later developments, sakya mchog ldan, a disciple of Ron ston, dealt with the problems of the two divisons at some length. sTag tshan lo tsa ba showed that Hari-bhadra was well known as a sNan bcas pa master at least in the Sa skya Madhyamaka tradition. On the other hand, Dar ma rin chen, a dGe lugs pa master, criticized the views of Sa skya pas.

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The Chronological Table of Tibetan Buddhist history of 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa precedes the famous chronological table of Sum-pa-mkhan-po. A feature of both chronological tables is that they were written in acceptance of the legend of the country of Shambhala, as taught in the Kalacakratantra. Namely, they record that the 25th generation Raudracakrin king of the ideal Buddhism kingdom Shambhala will win the final war with Islam, reviving Buddhism. Sum-pa-mkhan-po projects the date of this event to be A. D. 2376.

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The Chinese word “zhaijiang” is a binom consisting of two characters: the first is “zhai”, the second “jiang”. This particular diction makes occasional appearances in the Chinese Buddhist Canon, monastic biographies, and the Chinese Official Histories. However, its occurrence in the latter source is comparatively rare and mostly limited to the Nan/Bei Chao records. Other than its stereotypical Buddhist-related connotation, the word “zhaijiang” has a history dating back to the Chinese bone inscriptions. Moreover, the word “zhai” is still frequently used in today's conversation such as zaozhai, liuzhai, baguanzhai, changzhai, sengzhai, zhaiji etc. all of which signifies its realistic nature and close interfusion into the secular sphere. Because of its multidimensional facets, a full study of the current topic would involve analyzing Buddhist rituals, the development of “jiangchang”, discussing ancient literature, philosophical debates as well as textual studies of the Confucian, Daoist and Buddhist canons and their commentaries. However, in this paper the author wishes to focus solely within Chinese Buddhism and through critically analyzing its linguistic nature, and surveying primary sources that discuss the “zhaihui” service and the “jiangjing” assembly, piece together and reconstruct the development of the “zhaijiang” usage throughout Chinese Buddhist history.

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One characteristic of Mahayana bodhisattva precepts is the idea of “self-ordination”. In the case where one has no teacher, self ordination means vowing to keep the Buddhist precepts personally. Although in self ordination the spiritual aspect is stressed, there also need to be certain conditions for it to take place. This characteristic is explained in the idea of “visionary experience”, found in the 23rd precept of the Fanwang jing. This essay examines the influence of selfordination as found in the Fanwang jing, taking into account the Huayan jing and the point of view of practice.
Visionary experience is built up through practice. In this way, the visionary experience is based on practice, and the person who completes “self ordination” follows the influence of the Huayan jing in the Fanwang jing, hence bodhisattva non-regression is necessary for visionary experience. The disciple of the Buddha is penitent, practices and sees the visionary experience as proof of ordination. Accordingly, the visionary experience found in “self ordination” of the Fanwang jing should be understood from the point of view of practice.

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In the present paper, I examine the Meditation on the Lotus Sutra _??__??__??__??_, ascribed to Zhiyi _??__??_ (538-597), in the Tiantai sijiao yi _??__??__??__??__??_ (Tiantai Fourfold Teachings) written by Ch'egwan _??__??_ in Korea.
The Meditation on the Lotus Sutra is considered the Complete and Sudden Practice _??__??__??__??_ by Ch'egwan. It is Viewing Inconceivable Reality _??__??__??__??__??_ which is the First stage of the Ten Modes of Contemplation _??__??__??__??_ of the Complete Doctrine _??__??_.
Concerning the Viewing Repentances _??__??__??_, Ch'egwan advocated the practices of the Five Dimensions of Repentance _??__??_ in the Grade of Joy from According With the Truth, the First Stage of Five Preliminary Grades of Disciples.
He placed the Repentance for Six Sense Organs _??__??__??__??_, Imploring _??__??_, Rejoicing _??__??_, Merit-transference _??__??_ and Making vows _??__??_, which were initiated by Zhiyi, in the Auxiliary Practices _??__??__??_ of the Complete Doctrine.
He also advocated the Five Dimensions of Repentance from the Stage of the Five Preliminary Grades of Disciples to the Stage of Preliminary Enlightenment _??__??__??_. After all, he stood on the side of Method of Repentance of the One Vehicle _??__??__??__??__??_ of the Meditation on the Lotus Sutra.

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The lifetime of Master Naong Hyoegun (1320-1376) was a time of difficulty under the influence of the Yuan (_??_) Dynasty in China. Effort were made to repair the damage suffered by society and the Buddhist monastic commmunity at the end of Koryo Dynasty. Neo-Confucianists strongly criticized Buddhism.
While broadly spreading Master Dhyanabhadra's (_??__??_) No-mind Son (_??__??__??_) and Master P'yougsan Ch'orim's (_??__??__??__??_) Linji Son, Master Naong had much interest in Pure Land Contemplation Son (_??__??__??__??__??_) and taught his disciples and lay Buddhists accordingly. His thoughts mainly developed focusing on reciting the names of Buddha (_??__??__??__??_), Buddha Contemplation (_??__??__??__??_), and mind of Pure Land (_??__??__??__??_). In particular, he composed the ‘Songwoka’ (_??__??__??_) of Kasa (_??__??_), which was written in Korean language expressed in Chinese characters (I du munch'a _??__??__??__??_) in order for lay people to understand more easily. However, he did not present a koan method for Buddha Contemplation Son (_??__??__??__??__??_). His Dharma song which begins with “Where is Amita Buddha (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_)—” is always recited in liturgical services and the grand Buddha Contemplation ritual in Korea today, and it is generally recited as a representative Dharma song of Buddha-Contemplation Son (_??__??__??_).

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It is said that the Thousand-armed Avalokitesvara sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma could be divided into two parts: ‘the original part’ and ‘the additional part’. The scope of this article is limited to the former, the original part. Although this sutra has been known to belong to esoteric Buddhism, this original part actually shows not only esoteric Buddhist thought but also the Pureland idea and Dasabhumi concepts of the Avatamsaka sutra. These three kinds of Mahayana Buddhist thought seem to have been harmonized in this part of the sutra, which influenced strongly the establishment of the ‘Recitation Version’ of the Thousand-armed Avalokitesvara sutra created in Korean Buddhism.

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When thinking of pagodas in Koguryo, the first question that comes to mind is where the first pagoda can be found. Also, the origin of the characteristics of Koguryo's pagodas is a problem. For example, what is the history of the one pagoda-three image hall pattern (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) in the composition of Buddhist temple, and what the background of the the octagonal shape of the pagoda? In this paper I emphasize the fact that the cultural background of the characteristics of pagodas in Koguryo can be found in Koguryo's ancient tombs.

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In his Senchaku Hongan Nembutsushu, Honen quoted a sentence ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋ from the Yushin'anrakudo for the most important reason that it establishes the Jodo Sect's name. In the days of Honen, it was said that Wonhyo had written the Yushin'anrakudo, but actually this is not correct. By this, many masters from the Jodo Sect wrote 55 writings, using quotations from Wonhyo. However, the sentence he used from the Yushin'anrakudo was also in the Jingtu-lun written by Jiacai. The question is, why did Honen quote the Yushin'anrakudo in the first place for the basis of the Sect's name? That is because Honen, who trained in ascetic practices in the Tendai Sect, was under the impression that Wonhyo belonged to the Kegon (Hwaom) Sect, and also was swayed by Saicho mentioning Wonhyo giving approval to the teachings of the Tendai Sect. Honen only paid attention to the fact of Wonhyo saying ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋, not considering any difference between positions.

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In this article, I aimed to detail a classic type of ‘kana’ which Nichiren used. By studying Nichiren's writing from the viewpoint of hentaigana, we can throw fresh light on problems of Nichiren's writings which have long been argued about, such as determining their dates, examining passages hard to read, discriminating genuine writing from false, as well as examining relevant manuscripts whose autographs have been lost.

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In the fields of medicine, social welfare, and education ‘spiritual care’ is a topic of today. The purpose of this study is to show a Buddhist understanding. According to Christian-based practitioners and my own clinical experience as a Buddhist chaplain in Vihara, it is necessary for a spiritual care provider to accept the patient's existential value unconditionally. The concluding part of the Ratnagotravibhaga could explain this attitude: a spiritual care provider should believe (adhimukti) in the Tathagatagarbha of himself and the patient, the possiblity to resolve the problem, and the meritorious end result.

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