This paper explores the principles of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) through the lens of disability policy in Japan. Rather than treating DEI as a charitable gesture toward the vulnerable, the author argues that it must be reframed as a rights-based approach grounded in the principle of equality among all. In a society like Japan, where conformity is deeply ingrained, difference is often marginalized. This is evident in systems such as special needs education and long-term institutionalization, which maintain separation under the guise of equality. The paper advocates for a shift to relational egalitarianism, which embraces the idea of different and equal. A case study from Toyonaka City illustrates how inclusive education can be implemented through practical and creative adjustments in mainstream schools. To prevent DEI from becoming a passing trend, structural reform and grassroots dialogue are essential. The author concludes that sustainable change requires a hopeful commitment to practice and the co-production of inclusive public spaces.

The aim of this paper is to reexamine the reason why we should respect diversity in our society. For this inquiry, we focus on the complementary model of our commonality presented by Charles Taylor. This model regards humans as interdependent beings and demonstrates that we can develop humanity only in a sufficiently diverse condition. Though it has attractive aspects, this model may not be final answer. By looking at the dispute about affirmative action in the USA, we also understand that respecting diversity without consideration for historical and structural injustice could make the conflicts in our society more serious. On the other hand, the details of changes of the purpose of affirmative action teach us that one-sided accusation and requirement for redress could also deepen discord. Through those philosophical and policy-based investigations, we conclude that it is important to separate diversity from accusation and discord, and not to separate it from consideration for justice.

This paper reconsiders the genealogy of toleration based on my 2020 monograph Fukanyōron. It begins by tracing how toleration emerged as a political compromise in early modern Europe, designed to manage sectarian division rather than embrace diversity. In contrast to this strategic origin, Roger Williams, founder of Rhode Island, offered a vision of toleration rooted in religious conviction: he argued that true faith required the freedom to differ, even radically, from the majority. In contemporary life, toleration has become a kind of social etiquette—an expected attitude among ‘decent’ citizens. However, this seemingly neutral stance can conceal hierarchies and power structures. The paper also addresses current immigration debates that have troubled many Western countries since the late 1990s. In the context of contemporary American politics, a common misunderstanding of toleration as a liberal mandate to be unconditionally and wholeheartedly open to immigrants contributes to the failure to formulate realistic border control policies.

Despite the many advantages of DEI, this paper explores the psychological mechanisms underlying resistance to it, focusing on the psychology of paxization and the influence of morality. In addition, drawing on a study that examines how morality affects supportive attitudes toward foreign residents in Japan using moral foundations theory, the discussion highlights the importance of governmental initiatives in this area.

Studies have reported that sexual minorities are more likely to experience harassment and discriminatory treatment than sexual non-minorities. The accumulation of such victimization is thought to contribute to the high rate of suicide attempts. On the other hand, in light of the Trauma Island (ring-island) model, the assumption that those who have suffered the most are the ones who have the most power to speak out as victims is incorrect: indeed, the greater the degree of harm, the more difficult it is for those who have suffered more to argue their case to others in a reasoned and persuasive way. Today’s anti-DEI and attacks on transgender are a continuation of the 30-year-long anti-gender movement, a trend that has been experienced in Japan in the form of the gender backlash of the 2000s, and there are many similarities between the discourse of that time and that of today. It is necessary to dispel unconscious bias and examine responses based on the actual situation on the ground, reflecting on the damage suffered by transgender. Recapturing the reality of Japan’s fragile legal system against discrimination and examining its effectiveness is a step forward in the discussion.

One of the achievements of DEI action in local government is the transition of public attitudes. If you follow the process of DEI action in Akashi City through reading this document, you can feel some changes. The changes you can feel are very small, but social change will not start without those small changes. This document tells you about small changes that have occurred in local government.

In April 2024, approximately ten years after the national government initiated regional revitalization in Japan, the Population Strategy Council announced 744 “municipalities in danger of extinction.” The most significant feature of the report was the presentation of “9 classifications by population characteristics” for 1,729 municipalities as a new evaluation method, within four status types: A. self-sustainable, B. black-hole, C. in danger of extinction, and D. others. It was formed based on the estimated rate of decline in the female population aged 20-39 between 2020 and 2050.

This study examines latent characteristics and structural accessibility, mainly using the framework of the 9 classifications, focusing on types A and C. The results revealed that type A has advantages in basic municipality structure, such as urbanity. On the other hand, type C has strengths in quality of life and well-being, such as livability. In addition, structural accessibility between A and C was also observed, findings that would be difficult to find without detailed analyses, such as subdivisions.

In this study, we compared similar municipalities and their financial efforts toward comprehensive public facilities management. As a result, we found that (1) the progress of the comprehensive management plan for public facilities has been delayed in about half of the municipalities, but it is proceeding as planned in ordinance-designated cities, (2) the establishment of funds and the use of local government bonds are progressing. On the other hand, the proportion of municipalities with budgets is higher among large municipalities and lower among smaller ones, and (3) support measures are necessary for municipalities to secure budgets.