This paper aims 1) to summarise what kind of research has been developed under what analytical viewpoints in the last 25 years of the Japan Academic Society for Educational Policy, 2) to try to present the basic framework of education policy analysis to contribute to our future researches. 　　The subjects of consideration are the special issue manuscripts and the submitted manuscripts from the Bulletins No.1 through No.24. Eijiro Arai was engaged in task 1), and Hiroko Hirose in task 2). 　　Generally, the research trend was to respond to the changing natures of policies and society. However, it has also been pointed out that the theoretical framework does not catch up with the changes. It is urgent to build a fundamental framework to grasp education policies comprehensively, replacing the outdating Theory of People’s Right to Education. 　　One of the dominant directions may be the expansion of the vision that Isao Kurosaki raised; that is the assemblage of the Sociology of Educational Administration by Munakata Seiya and the Educational Administration Theory by Eiichi Mochida. Keywords: analysis of education policies, fundamental framework, Seiya Munakata, Eiichi Mochida, Isao Kurosaki

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The aim of this article is to discuss the potential of the study of educational policy as pedagogy. Pedagogy is generally distinguished from the science of education. While the science of education recognizes facts, pedagogy suggests what to do for technology. It exists in the midst of technology and science. The essential quality of pedagogy is not to gather many cases, but to create models or fictions by a kind of invention of the mind. Also, it is not a contemplation (theoria) or a practice, but a poiesis. It is established as a system of judgement for acts which realize some values in the minds of children. The study of educational policy also provides bases of judgement and review for the poiesis of educational policies. After World War II, pedagogy in Japan consisted of researches on educational practices and policies. To develop study on educational policy, we must realize educational values which can connect the two types of research mentioned above. It is also important to clarify power in education and the relationship between politics and education.

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This paper aims to show the current trends and methods in educational policy evaluation using economic methods drawing on the case of charter schools in the United States. The examination of causal inference in the evidence based educational policy making requires the randomized controlled trials (RCTs). RCTs measure an intervention's effect by random assignment of the participants to a treatment group or a control group and compares the results of the two groups. However, evaluations of educational policies are more likely to adopt a quasi-experimental design since conducting the random assignment is difficult in the education field. One of the approaches in quasi-experimental design is an instrumental variable (IV) method for causal inference. After we got the rigorous evidence based on a quasi-experimental design, what should we do? This paper discusses this problem from the view point of trade-off problems: First, the problem of the segregation and the pursuit of equity, second, Pareto criterion in the resource allocation, and third, the problem of affirmative action and tracking.

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When we think about the educational policy in Japan, the effect of recent populist phenomena and neo-liberalism would be major issues. This paper tried to make clear young people’s trends on these issues between the British and the Japanese cases. As a result, although we cannot find a clear difference of pro or anti neo-liberal sentiment between both cases, but the difference between the British and the Japanese cases about the immigration policy is relatively clear. In the British case young people are more pro-European and more pro-immigration compared to other generations, but in the Japanese case young people are slightly more anti-immigration compared to other generations. The differences of young people on immigration issue to other generations in both cases were equally statistically significant.

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This paper introduces Germany’s recent educational policy situation and gives some consideration to it, outlining the political trend in these years. In the German Parliamentary election held in 2017, the“Alternative fürDeutschland”(AfD), which strongly opposes the government’s refugee acceptance policy, has made a big leap forward. Germany has a strong economy at the moment, but it faces a difficult problem with regard to its politics. Concerning the educational policies, three can be cited as educational measures that Germany is focusing on : expansion of“Ganztagsschule”(all-day school), strengthen- ing of the pre-school language education and introduction of the legally binding educational standard. It is also interesting that a national attainment test, named VERA, just like in Japan is introduced. It is also striking that many schools implement short-term intensive German education by establishing so called“welcome class”in order to promote the integration of immigrant children. The present German educational policy can be seen as a“bricolage”against various problems rather than a systematic program based on a consistent political philosophy.

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In this paper, we consider the problem of legitimacy of education, using the current development of American educational policy and the defect of the security of learning rights of children in Chicago City as a material. In the United States, standard-based education policy accelerated based on the NCLB method of 2002, a“Race to the Top” policy of 2009 and a“the NCLB Waiver”of 2011. Parallel to it, the influence of an education company and the huge foundation spreads under the name of public education reform, too. These developments in the United States caused a switch to an education governance structure based on neoliberalism in the case of Chicago, and in these situations, we should be concerned with“the agent”of the teacher and the decline of the specialty and the collapse of the public education. Therefore, the legitimacy of the education as a political process pointed to the necessity of verifying the existing governing body at the community level as a clue to achieving it based on securing publicity in the education and educational value.

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In order to understand the essence of modern Japanese education policy, it is necessary to get to the bottom of the nature and the purpose of the neoliberal government which has dominated the past twenty years. From the end of 20th century, the power of the state was held again by a strategy of the global capital, and a state policy came to be developed for the acquisition of profit. A figure of the social labor and employment is submitted as“knowledge based society”in the near future led by this strategy. The talented person formation policy of the public education along this design is developed as“ Goal Management Policy”,“PDCA management”,the achievement test system”. In addition, the military power policy of the Abe Administration produces a combination of neoliberalism and nationalism. We clarify these structure by the criticism of the modern education policy, and it is necessary to show the future prospects opposed to these education policies.

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In this paper, the relationship between neoliberal education policy and a learning support for children with economic difficulties in local governments is seen as follows. First, learning support is a means not only to make those children self-reliant as part of the labor force, thereby separating them from poverty, but also to reduce social welfare costs. Second, learning support is prepared for them as a complement of broken-down educational conditions of schools. Third, since education at those schools is competitive and administrative, learning support becomes a means to involve those children in such an environment and prevent them from dropping out. Fourth, based on the premise that the pathway out of poverty is to get an academic skill/career or a job, learning support forces those children to overcome difficulties by themselves, justifying getting out of poverty by self-responsibility. Fifth, private consignment of a learning support project promotes commercialization of the project, which provokes competition among operators, entry of profitable enterprises, deterioration of working conditions of supporters, etc., and to prevent them from dropping out. Fourth, learning support forces them to overcome the difficulties by themselves, justify poverty departure by self-responsibility. Fifth, private consignment of learning support projects promotes the marketing of learning support, competition among operators, entry of profitable enterprises, deterioration of working conditions of supporters, etc.

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This paper conceptually considers two approaches that live together in response to the children’s poverty problem. The first of the two approaches is the investment approach. This is to see children as a useful investment destination for economic growth and a strong economy based on the idea that neglecting children’s poverty is an economic loss. In this approach, children are a means for investment return and not an end in themselves. In addition, such an approach leads to the selection of children worth investing in and“an exclusive society”. The second approach is a well-being approach. This approach does not view children as a means only. but as a primary objective in themselves, and is based on the idea of social investment which is distinguished from economic investment. This leads to universal policy formation and “inclusive society”.

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In this study, I would like to hypothetically present“what is educational value” with“elementary and junior high school”as a point of view, based on my regional survey. Structural reform is not only about systems related to goods and money, but also changes human internal values such as how people live (working, learning, living) and how human beings are (survival, growth, happiness). Given that the educational process is human internal value creation, it can be said that the transformation of human internal value is a change in educational value. As it is, it will reconfigure and change human social connection. Neither residents nor municipalities made free decisions to reorganize schools and apply for structural reform special zones, because they had to do so. Municipal mergers, application of school reorganization and structural reform special zones, etc. were functioning in the area as“opportunities”or“gimmicks”of structural reforms by“choice of community (Non-free choice by residents and local governments)”. The“educational value”investigated in this paper is completely different from the “educational value”of“consolidation of schools”.

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The article discusses the reason why parental participation system in school administration had not been raised in Japan and the way in which the arguments and governmental policies on parental participation have appeared after the middle of 1980s. The paper clarifies, through using 5 types of concept on the public sphere (‘P. S.’in the following), i.e., P.S. organized by the state, by the nation, by labourers, by the market and by citizens, that there has been the resurge of〈P.S. by citizens〉after the middle of 1980s. This resurge is mainly consisted of the adoption of the constitutional democracy and the participative democracy in the side of the régime and the changing of the recognition on the state and civil society in the side of Marxism. In addition, the appearance of〈P.S. by the market〉in 1980s has made〈P. S. by citizens〉recognise the crucial role of the government to regulate the market (section 2). From this view point the paper explores the work of Kenichi NAGAI and Isao KUROSAKI, which represents these disputes in the field of the study of school administration (section 3). The author then examines the existing parental participation system (section 4) and suggests the framework of parental participation system based on the right and responsibility of parents, paying attention to the principle on the distinction between externa and interna of school administration.

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This paper aims to make clear a historical role of OSKK which had been held by Okinawa normal school (ONS) as educational policy for elementary school teachers in modern Okinawa. Studies agree in admitting the strong influence of OSKK to elementary school teachers. On the other hand it’s transformation is not clear yet in its details. Therefore this paper was composed to focus on managements for OSKK. In order to approach this theme, two points of view were presented as research framework. The first is transformation of the exhibition form, the second is transformation of the role of the elementary school attached to ONS (ESONS). As a result conclusion of this paper was indicated as follows. In the middle of 1920’s the exhibition form was changed from the concentration type to the pre-concentration one. At the same time the actual conditions of the ESONS as a prime mover had been estimated. Based on those two conditions OSKK had been enforced to mobilize all elementary school teachers in Okinawa. OSKK’s actual effect on elementary school teachers had not been an obvious assumption. Only thorough an inquiry into OSKK’s complete history, will we be able to include these new insights.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the teacher evaluation based on the outcome of student’s learning in the State of Wisconsin, the case for which SLO was used as substitution of Value-Added Model (VAM). At the time of announcement in 2012, VAM state assessment data was planned to account for 15% of a general evaluation point. However, in 2014-15, the use of VAM was cancelled from the following reasons; accumulation of VAM analysis data was insufficient owing to the introduction of a new state assessment in 2014 and valid “student‒teacher linkages”could not be built. Instead of VAM data, Student Leaning Objectives (SLO) data were used by the percentage of the 47.5% of a general mark. Under this new evaluation system we can expect teacher’s own self-controlled professional development while bringing up collaborative relationship among teachers. However, teacher attitude surveys for WEES has indicated that many teachers worried about use of evaluation results for their personnel decision by the Educational Administrative office. Therefore, publication of discussion data in conference is necessary.

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This paper uses the“Policy Window”model to argue the reason why the Japanese university entrance exam is being reformed at this time. This study has academic and social significance. New information is gained by analysis of policy formation process of the Japanese university entrance exam which has been undeveloped till now, and it gives us beneficial information to properly form the Japanese university entrance exam policy. Through this study, it becomes clear that there are three streams in the current reformation: problem, policy, and politics. The problem stream describes the recognition of an improvement in college preparedness through cooperation between high schools and universities. The policy stream describes making minute policies to solve this problem. The politics stream describes having a stable government to drive concrete reforms. Joining these streams opens policy window so that reformation can be carried out. On the basis of this result, it can be said that the reformation of the Japanese university entrance exam needs not only initiative taken by politicians but also the appropriate recognition of problems and making minute policies and a joining of these streams.

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