This paper provides an analysis of the development of M. K. Gandhi's (1893-1914) political discourse on ahimsa between the period beginning with his South African sojourn (1893-1914) and ending with the establishment of the Satyagraha Ashram in 1915. Many previous studies have assumed that the Jain and Hindu conceptions of ahimsa significantly influenced Gandhi's development of the principle of satyagraha. Contrary to this assumption, this paper clarifies that Gandhi first began to associate the ideological basis of satyagraha with the concept of ahimsa after his return to India in 1915. Significantly, even in "Hind Swaraja" (1909), which he had written to meet all the objections that had been raised by contemporary Indian revolutionaries, Gandhi never used the term ahimsa in reference to his conception of satyagraha.
Immediately after returning to his homeland in 1915, Gandhi began to travel throughout India to acquire firsthand knowledge of the current conditions. This period of observation led to the gradual reinforcement of his belief in the existence of a binary opposition between ‘the East’ and ‘the West’. While the former, particularly India manifested as a ‘holy atmosphere’ and ‘place of spirituality’, the latter manifested as modern civilization characterized by materialism and violence. Such an epistemic perception convinced Gandhi of the necessity to spread his belief that the only means of achieving ‘true swaraj’ for India was devoting oneself to the fundamental teachings of the ‘Hindu religion’, which firmly advocates ‘abstention from himsa’.

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It is well known that the Buddha (5th century B.C.E.) advocated the equality of four kinds of varnas or castes, i.e. brahmana, ksatriya, vaisya, and sudra, which comprise the traditional class structure in India. This attitude seems to have been followed by the schools of Mahayana Buddhism, including both the Madhyamika and the Yogacara schools. For example, Aryadeva (circa 3rd century), a member of the Madhyamika school, was famous for his strict censure for the authority of brahmanas and ksatriyas. In the case of Yogacara, the equality of four castes was advocated in the Yogacarabhumi, which is considered to be composed in the 4th century.
Some studies [Kajiyama 1963, de Jong 1990, and Nonin 1992], however, indicated that the tradition of varnas was accepted in the Prajnapradipa of Bhaviveka, a commentary on the Nagarjuna's Mulamadhyamakakarika and Avalokitavrata's commentary on the former. But when the sentence of the Prajnapradipa and its commentary that was cited by Drs. Kajiyama, de Jong, and Nonin are critically investigated from the philological point of view, we will find that both Bhaviveka and Avalokitavrata were actually attempting to reduce the discrimination against the sudra and the vaisya, the lower two castes. Therefore, the sentences of the Prajnapradipa and its commentary do not lend any support to the argument for the existence of the Buddhists who supported the Brahmanical hierarchy.

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In recent years, the aradhana with music concerts of saint composers such as Thyagaraja are held not only in India but even in the South Indian communities abroad. This paper focuses on the Narayana Tirtha Aradhana (NTA) held in Tamil Nadu state. Though Narayana Tirtha holds a prominent position in some traditional performing arts in South India, his works have been less acknowledged in Carnatic music concerts than those of other composers. Even with the disadvantages and controversial points, the organizer V. Venkatesan, to some extent, has succeeded in establishing the public images of the NTA. It is accepted even as "traditional" in Carnatic music world recently. Who is the "bearer" of "tradition"? Within the context of active development of the arts, the paper discusses how he reconstructed the "tradition" of the NTA.

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This paper examines the shifts in the inter-caste relationships brought about by the commercial practices at meat market of Kathmandu, where people from various castes are interacting. Focussing on the members of Khadgi caste who have been engaged in slaughtering, processing, and trading of livestock as a caste-based role in the Newar society in Kathmandu Valley, I described the negotiations between Khadgi and other castes from Newar society and Muslims in the daily commercial practices at the livestock market, abattoir, and meat shop.
In 1973, Khadgi established their caste-association. Pressurized by the formation of meat market and non Khadgi entrance to the market, this caste-association has enlarged its role as an agent for re-interpreting caste-image to ensure the caste category which help to keep their advantage in the market. Through this re-interpretation, the shifts in the inter-caste relationships have been brought about. For example, some members of Khadgi have been refused their traditional caste based roles which they considered to be linked with caste hierarchy. These developments can be seen as a result of the individualization mediated by the market economy. However, in case of Khadgi, since their livelihood is keenly connected with the caste based role, they don't simply seek the way for individualization, but they re-interpret the category of caste to facilitate their livelihoods by mixing with the norms of ‘caste based role’ and ‘market trade’.

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In the present context, there are approximately 200 elderly homes in Sri Lanka. These are private homes run mostly by philanthropic actors, except for four governmental institutions, which depend on neighbouring supporters for the daily provision of free meals and other equipments. This is referred to as ‘dana’, and it also accompanies memorial service by the inmates for the deceased kin of the donors. The practice of dana in philanthropic elderly homes is the central focus of this article. Previous studies on Theravada Buddhist dana mainly focused on the gift from the lay to the sangha (Order of Monks), and they argued that giving to the sangha can accrue a good deal of merit because they are the ideal ‘field of merit’. According to these studies, dana to the Needy was not so meritorious owing to the recipient's dubious moral status. However, the practice of dana in philanthropic elderly homes suggests a somewhat different understanding. Although donors pity inmates, they are at times ideally involved, interested, and deeply moved by giving a gift to them, thereby displaying a feeling of esteem and respect towards them. This face-to-face encounter with the donor in turn seems to cultivate moral virtues in the inmates to be worthy of the gift. Dana accrues merit not only because of an intrinsic moral virtue of the recipient but also through the encounter between both participants that turns them into moral agents, even in the context of charitable giving.

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