Of the many village schools (Kyo-gaku) that developed into popular educational institutions during the Edo Period, those of the Isezaki Clan have been selected to illustrate the growth and functions of this old educational system. The Isezaki clan was a small feudal clan located in what is now Gunma Prefecture and was governed by the Sakai family. The first of the Isezaki clan village schools was established in 1803 in the village of Iyoku ; and during the following ten years seven more village schools were established by the clan. Later, around the beginning of the Meiji period, 18 more schools were established, and the total number of village schools in this small clan of 24 square mills amounted to 25 at the time the school education system was put into force. 1) Motivations for the establishement of those village schools differed from period to period. During the first stage of development (1801-1817) the main concern of the clan authorities were (1) to give the villagers a kind of moral education that would help bring about stability and prosperity in village life when the rural living conditions become aggravated, and (2) to effect a sort of thought control over people in all walks of life. This explains why schools suddenly increased in number as the feudal system came closer to its end. The motivation during this later period (1868-1872) was to pave the way for the enforcement of the school education system of the Meiji Government. 2) The schools were established as a joint enterprise of the clan and the villages -mostly wealthy farmers and merchants- who were the opinion leaders in the villages. The clan named each school, drew up its educational aims, sent scholars of the Confucious school to lecture three times a month, exempted taxation on the school lot, add gave special priviledges to the teachers of the school. The village leaders who were appointed as directors of the school took full care of the teaching and administration of the school. In most cases, school expenditures were borne by the directors, while the villagers generally contributed labor or materials at the time of construction and when repair work was necessary. 3) Functions of the school may be summarized as follows; (A) Social education -Confucious scholars of the clan were sent out to those schools to give "extension courses" to the general public. (B) Elementary school-Major emphasis was placed on moral education and cultivation of the pupils' ability to read. Chinese classics were used as textbooks. Schools were opened during the farmers' off-work seasons and most lessons were given either in the early mornings or in the evenings. Pupils entered school around the age of ten and completed their training about twenty years old. Textbooks and reference materials were provided free. The guiding philosophy of the Isezaki clan education was derived from the philosophy of Ansai Yamazaki who expounded the role of moderation in one's life. The school of the Isezaki clan accordingly was interested in fostering sense of acceptance of social status, family system, and community setup that existed in those feudal days.

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On Feb. 28, 1880, Toshikane Kono succeeded Munemori Terajima as the Minister of Education. His great task as Minister of Education was the revision of Educational Ordinance promulgated in the previous year. For this Ordinance was severely criticized for its liberalistic texture by the Emperor Meiji and people surrounding him, especially Imperial lecturer Motoda, as well as local government administrators. As a preliminary step to effecting reform, the then Minister Fujimaro Tanaka, who held the primary responsibility and authority for drawing up and enforcing this Ordinance, was transferred to the post of Minister of Justice, with a view to strengthening government intervention in and supervision over the educational administration. Just at this time, the visit of the Emperor to local districts was announced and Minister Kono was ordered to precede the Imperial party and to make a survey of the educational conditions in localities where the Emperor was scheduled to visit. His itinerary included visits to Yamanashi, Matsumoto, Nagoya, Tsu, Omi, Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe where he was to depart for Tokyo by sea. Minister Kono was received by the Emperor at Tsu and Kyoto where he submitted his report on educational conditions in those areas. This paper is concerned with this particular survey of Minister Kono and the writer intended to analyze the educational policies of Minister Kono by examining this report. It is clear that the Emperor had the newly appointed Minister look into the local educational conditions in order that he might be informed about the educational conditions prevailing in local districts, expecting at the same time that he would come up with some concrete ideas about the revision of the Ordinance. As such was the case, this report by Minister Kono is more in the nature of a statement of his administrative policies and programs of education rather than an objective report on local conditions. His proposals, in short, were: tightening of governmental supervision, control of curriculum, improvement of teacher quality, strengthening of administrative organization in local districts. In addition to this report, the writer examined Minister Kono's paper recommending some immediate measures to be executed prior to the revision of the Ordinance of Educadion which were decided upon by the Ministry following his return to Tokyo. Minister Kono's educational policies as revealed in these documents were characteristically beaurocratic, with the clear intention of meeting the Imperial wish and securing support from local government administrators. It may be said that the dharacteristics and defects of beaurocratism are typically embodied in the educational policies of Minister Kono.

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Compilation, of Lei-shu (類書) in China started before the Tang (唐) perioed, but many of the representative Lei-shus were compiled during the Tang and Sung (宋) periods. Lei-shus of those periods were designed to help upper-class intellectuals in their pursuits of academic studies, and were concerned primarily with studies on Confucianism. The interweaving of information related to daily life started after the Nan Sung (南宋) period, and a great number of Lei-shus published during the Yüan and Ming (元明) periods fall under this category. In the Yüan period especially, the main objective of the compilators was to organize and present in a concise form all the information related to daily living. In the Ming period, such Lei-shus were used commonly by the people in all the four social classes -intellectuals, farmers, craftsmen, and merchants, and more emphasis was placed on the compilation of a comprehensive handbook for people in all the walks life and of all age. They were compiled mostly by lower-class intellectuals who thronged to private teaching houses, and were used as textbooks not only in private schools but also in schools established by provincial and other local governments. There were two kinds of Lei-shus that were used as textbooks in schools -one concerned with historic events (Ku-shihs, 故事) and the otner with information on facts and skills of daily life (Tsa-tzūs, 雑字). The former was used in moral education while the latter played the role of a dictionary. Such Lei-shus have been very significant from the viewpoint of the history of child and public education, and some of them even included materials on teaching methods as seen in some Yüan Lei-shus. Many of these (Lei-shus) were written by such Sung scholars Chu Tzū (朱子) and Wang Jih-hsiu (王日休), or have been attributed to those scholars. The teaching methods described in those volumes are derived from the methods used by the scholars of Sung Hsüeh (宋学), especially Chu Tzū Hsüeh (朱子学). Moreover, the influence of those scholars who advocated the unity of Buddhism and Confucianism is also reflected in the writings. Lei-shus for daily use of the Ming period were based on Lei-shus of Yüan period, and were under the influences also of such Ming scholars as Wang Yang-ming (王陽明). Accordingly, the views on educational methods contained in those Leishus were closely related to the ideas of Sung (宋学) and Ming Hsüeh (明学).

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Tsungtsu (宗族) is a consanguineous group of paternal lineage in China-Tsungtsu (宗族) used to establish schools for the education of their children which were sometimes called Tsushu (族塾), Chiashu (家塾), Ishu (義塾) or Ihsüeh (義学). The objectives of the education at these schools were to teach their children to obey the orders of their consanguineous groups, and to give them the kind of education required of the members of particular Tsungtsu (宗族) groups. Students of outstanding ablility were often encouraged to take K'ochii (科挙) examinations with the expectation that they would become government officials and enhance the social prestige of the whole consanguineous group to which they belonged. The applicants for the K'ochii (科挙) examinations were given money from the group to cover travel expenses up to the capital where the examinations were held, and scholarships were also offered to those who went to higher educational institutions. Tsungtsu (宗族) schools did not charge tuition fees. Mot only textbooks, reference materials, and stationary were given free, but food and clothing also were sometimes provided. This was because these schools were established primarily to accomodate those children of impoverished families within the consanguineous group who would otherwise receive no education. With some Tsungtsu schools, entrance was admitted only to the children of poor families or to orphans, but most schools did not place any restrictions on the student eligibility, admitting any children of the group. Sometimes, the entrance to the school was obligatory for all the boys in the group. Administrative authority at such Tsungtsu (宗族) schools was held entirely in the hands of the senior members of the group, with the teachers serving only as employees. In everything related to the school -curriculum, teaching methods, etc.- the teachers were under the direction of the group authorities and they had to meet the approval of visiting supervisors who were in charge of school administration. Thus, the education at the Tsungtsu (宗族) school was carried out in strict accordance with the wish of the consanguineous group by which it was established. It was conducted not with the view to serve the interest of the state, nor the race, but the Trungtsu (宗族) itself. And this was why these schools continued to maintain their original character through centuries, inspite of changes of dynasties or control of China by foreign conquerers. However, when the modern educational system was introduced into China, political pressure was exerted upon these schools also, and the original character was gradually lost.

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When considering the education and culture of India, the complexity of racial, linguistic, religious and social systems must be taken into account. A versatile culture has come to nourish in Iindia as a result of the immigration of a number of alien races including ancient Indo-Āryans and various European races in modern times. The complexity of India's languages is as astounding to outsiders as is her religious life. Indians are known to be strongly devoted to religions, and Brahmanism and Hinduism in particular still maintain rigid caste systems. The four castes -Brāhmanas (priests), Ksatriyas (nobility), Vai'syas (husbandmen and merchants), and 'Sūdras (the lowest class)-are divided into many subcastes, with strict discrimination in marriage, occupation, association, education and even in habits of daily living, which continued up to present time to cause many obstacles to the dessemination of education. Education of Brahmanism, which is the source of Indian education and culture in general, is described in such old literature as Rg-Vedas, Vedas, Brahmanas, Āranyakas, Upanisads, Sūtras and some other epics of ancient times. According to these documents, the life of an ancient Indo-Aryan consisted of four stages of life or four ā'sramas - Brahmacārin (student of Vedas), Grhastha (householder), Vānaprastha (anchorite), and Parivrājaka or Sannyāsin (the onewho abandoned all the worldly concerns), which a man had to go through in his lifetime. From the viewpoint of history of education, this first period of Brahmacarin is most important, since a Brahmacarin made it a rule to go to the house of his teacher and live with him for a certain period of time before he was allowed to go home. This practice, too, was regulated in various ways by the restrictions of the cast system.

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The establishment of Berlin University at the outset of the 19th century was a significant event not only in the history of Prussian universities but also in the history of European universities as a whole. It was because the establishment of the university coincided with the firm establishment of the idea of philosophical university in Europe, and because, it constituted a part of the Stein-Hardenberg Reform, a Bourgeois reform in Prussia. Philosophers like Fichte, Schleiermacher and W.V. Humboldt attributed importance to philosophical courses in their treatises on the university, and regarded the university as a research institute as well as an academy. But while Schleiermacher and W.V. Humboldt held a negative view as to the relationship between university and state, Fichte recognized a positive relationship between the two, and he came finally to support the idea of a single, central university. Humboldt also was in favor of state authority to appoint university professors although he was against the state control over the university. Such a trend in the thinking of philosophers and administraters was reflected in the shift of emphasis to the university as a state organ -a training center of the small group of intellectual elite- as observed in the changes in the initial regulations of Berlin University, brought about through Stein's Reform and Hardenberg's Reform. It reflected the shift from Humboldt's policies to Schuckmann's policies. The immediate reason for this change of emphasis, of course, may be found in the renewal of Prussian absolutism, but it could be traced back to the thinking of Fichte and Humboldt. Simultaneously, it represented the limit of the spirit of reform of Stein, although his reform was called the most drastic reform ever seen in the history of Prussian universities.

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This is the English translation of the bibliography contained in this volume, pp. 79~109

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