The purpose of this article is to describe the native wrestling and other games, which have been performed in the ritual settings of Ifugao society, Philippines. Such ritual games and competitions need to be disclosed and comprehended within the cultural context of Ifugao society. Since the consciousness of rivalry symbolically relates with the world view shared by the Ifugao individuals, especially metaphysical usages of power, the connotation of Ifugao magic, sorcery and its protection should be considered to unravel the differences of violence found between competition and sorcery.
The Ifugao is renown for large scaled rice terraces for some thousands years at the southeastern part of Cordillera mountains in the northern Luzon island. The UNESCO recognizes its rice terraces as one of the world cultural heritages in 1995.
Barton is probably the first anthropologist who noticed the Ifugao wrestling and introduced it as “bultong” in his study of law and customs [1919]. He shortly described its wrestling as an ordeal observed when the embroilment over the possession of a rice terrace should be disposed. However he excluded its cultural aspects from his descriptions of bultong.
People of Hapao at the Hungduan municipality, Ifugao province, call their wrestling “dopap” instead of bultong mentioned by Barton, though they belong to the same dialect group with Kiangan where Barton conducted his researches. Nowadays they never practice dopap as a device for an ordeal, but they still inherit it well in their society. My research is based on the interviews of the native taxonomy on dopap, such as wrestling styles and techniques.
The distinguished features of dopap as an ordeal were as followings : (1) Before the wrestling match began, the perfqrmers negotiated and decided which style should be chosen, which techniques should be prohibited and how many times to wrestle. (2) Since wrestlers fought in a rice pond, there were some limitations on available techniques. (3) In the wrestling match, direct body contacts and strength of players were more emphasized than techniques. (4) Ritual for reconciliation should be given immediately after wrestling.
Although the dopap was uniquely flourished in Ifugao culture, people of Hapao seemed to prefer ritual 'lance throwing' called duha for an ordeal. The reason of such preference should be clarified by deliberating the differences between dopap and duha, and symbolic meanings of both 'wrestling' and 'lance' must be taken into consideration.
A Village of Hapao is geographically divided into two parts by the natural boundary of the Hapao River. In early April, two groups used to gather respectively both the riverbanks and attend to a communal meeting so called tungo. Tungo was a rite held during the agricultural interval before rice harvest, and the contest by a 'tag-of-war' in the river called pun'ok was performed in this occasion. This ritual game was thought of as water festival. When players slipped off into the river, the upside downs of players' body symbolically represented cultural structure of Ifugao in both topological changes and time passages. For example, the dominance of upriver (daya) is giving way to downriver (lagud) and a dry season turned into a raining season, famine is replaced to fertility. Another game called hakingking also held during the tungo supported this interpretation. The Ifugao cultural structure exemplifies the resembled Japanese cultural one, which Auehant (1981) pointed out through analysis of Japanese traditional Sumo-wrestling with other cultural elements.
Secularized plays and games together with modernization entered Hapao and social changes became so serious since early 1960s. Today, the municipal government revived this tungo for the regional development of tourism since 1992, and it is held every two years now. Some competitions are modernized, and the ritual and social significance of competitions mentioned

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Une coutume trèes répandue dans le Maghreb, surtout chez Berberes, c'est le jeu de la balle “Koûra”. Il est très semblable au jeu de hockey. Les joueurs, divisés en deux camps représentant les deux points cardinaux d'est et d'ouest ou le ciel et la terre, s'effore de mener la balle dans un de ces camps en la poussant avec un batôn. Tous les joueurs s'acharent sur la balle et chacun se sert de son batôn pour écarter les autres. Autrement un trou est creusé au centre du terrain. L'un des joueurs cherche à faire entrer la balle dans le trou avec son bâton, tous les joueurs l'en empechent. Au Maroc Koûra est parfois joué avec le pied et il est remarquable qu'en beaucoup de régions, ce jeu est réservé au t'olba
(savants, clercs).
On joue à la Koûra spécialment au printemps. On organse souvent des parties de Koûra à propos d'une sécheresse persistante. Koûra n'est pas un simple sport. D'anciens rites magiques s'attachent à ce jeu auquel on se livre dans le but de faire tomber la pluie.

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In the southern part of Okinawa main island, there are many villages to have had a traditional tug of war as an annual event. The tug of war takes a structure that two groups compete with each other, so the antagonism between the two leads to the violence with body contact at times. But the violence in the tug of war has been eliminated in many villages up to the present. Pointed out by the preceding studies of the violence in festivals or sports, the elimination of the violence was caused by the modernization of the society. However, in some cases, the villages where the violence seen in the tug of war have been eliminated adjoin the villages where the violence is in existence. So it seems hard to think that the modernization caused the elimination of the violence.
The purpose of this study is to specify the violence in the tug of war in Haebaru-cho, Okinawa prefecture and the factors of its acculturation. To attain the purpose, I give consideration based on fieldworks over a 4-month period in total. As for the definition of the violence of this study, I quote one by K.Sugawara, “all physical acts that intend to give physical harm directly on the body of another person.”
The main results of this study are as follows :
1) Such acts as beating, kicking, pushing down, throwing down to the ground, striking with a stick come under the violence in the tug of war.
2) In the tug of war that people in a village are divided into two groups according to Munchus, patrilineal descent groups, the violence relates to the antagonism between Munchus.
3) From 1960s to 1970s the violence was eliminated in most of the villages in Haebaru-cho. The considered factors of it are school education, growing interest in education, popularization of higher education, social concern about the violence, increase in population, change of industrial structure, and change in children's play.
4) As for the tug of war in Kyan, Haebaru-cho, one of the acts which did not fall under the category of the violence has changed into the violence. I considered the factors as follows :
(1) Newspaper accounts which put emphasis on the violence as a feature of the tug of war in Kyan.
(2) The interruption of the young men's association activity.
5) For young men in Kyan, the violence is an experience for socialization and for developing their identification to the village.
6) For people in Kyan, the violence is a good opportunity to be conscious of and realize their ideal which is the equality in social status and role performance. Therefore they appreciate the violence seen in the tug of war.
7) It may safely be assumed that the violence in Kyan functions as cultural focus which is resistant to the rapid change in the social conditions.
Judging from the results mentioned above, the main factor of the acculturation of the violence in the tug of war is whether the violence functions as cultural focus in a village or not. And the modernization of the society pointed out by the preceding studies is the only clue to the acculturation of the violence.

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This research focused on the physical movements, which were the main expression media of traditional performances such as dance and sports, and tried to elucidate the spirit, which could be seen as one side of society and culture. It was common in anthropological research of traditional dances, sports, and events to explore an abstract idea from the outline information that surrounds the physical movement. This paper aimed to analyze the structure and function of the physical movement along the lines of the “black box” trend. Additionally, elucidation of the spirit from characteristic physical movements, that was extraction of the expressional intention, was a further aim.
In order to approach such a subject, the traditional performance “Hotoke-Mai” was used as an example. Hotoke-Mai reflects the public spirit of Buddhism in the form of traditional dance.
By the following viewpoints and methods, this paper analyzed seven Hotoke-Mai.
I. The relative frequency of extraction patterns, and the whole composition of the movement element by body part.
II. Moving phrases and stillness poses, and patterns of these combinations.
III. Lines of physical movement in moving phrases.
IV. The form of the dancers' hands.
V. Formation changes the entire body, and direction of the individual body.
As a result, the following things were found out.
(1) With regard to overall tendencies of Hotoke-Mai, firstly, “limited patterns of movement repeated regularly”, where six moving patterns were made into a single composition, was seen. Secondly, quick rotational movement and jumping movement, which were dance movement frequently used by Japanese traditional performance, were not accepted. From these results, it was possible to interpret Hotoke-Mai as static dance.
(2) It was possible to divide the dance into the Hotoke-Mai (A), characterized by upper limb movement, and the Hotoke-Mai (B), characterized by trunk movement. Each movement characteristic was as follows.
(A) : a high center-of-gravity position, an erect body axis, the line of centripetal / curvilinear / circumductional of upper limbs, the pose of a specific hand, systematic formation change of the entire body and body directivity in all directions.
(B) : a low center-of-gravity position, a flexional-extentional body axis, the line of the centrifugal / linear / swinging of trunk, nanba /henbai, the regular position, body directivity in four directions (90 degree conversions).
(3) The characteristics of physical movement were interpreted as follows, and expressional intentions were extracted.
The movement-characteristics of (A) were an erect body axis and a diversity of expression with the upper limbs. This was in line with the Japanese Buddha image, and in agreement with the characteristics of molding physical expression. In particular, it agreed with the pause of a specific hand, which could be regarded as a means of the in to express the concrete Buddha. That was, Hotoke-Mai (A) controlled the movement of the upper limbs, and was considered to direct an appearance of the Buddha effectively by making the movement of upper limbs concentrate the spectator's eye. Moreover, formation and physical directivity attained appreciation of all and could be said to hold strong spectator appeal. Therefore, the similar images of the “Buddha” would be interpreted as being expressed by physical movement as people visualize a statues or pictures of Buddha.
There was a close resemblance between the movement characteristics of (B) and movements that bent and lengthened whole-body repeatedly, especially the trunk, as in the case of worshipping God or Buddha. It was considered that these were symbolically expressing magic-acts, such as hairei, harai, and shizume. Moreover, the formation and physical directivity could be

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