Orestes slays Aegisthus at the sacrificial ceremony by taking his victim unaware As the messenger's report continues, it becomes apparent that because of the manner in which Orestes had his revenge it is far from a heroic act Yet at the same time the messenger's report is replete with images that suggest a heroic world images such as swordmanship and Olympic games These images represent the code of heroism which Orestes should have followed, and ironically, juxtaposed as they are with the tyranny of his aet, they bring out in full relief Orestes' transgression from this code This ironic juxtaposition is not meant to criticize the unheroic nature of Orestes' character, as Arnott would have it Rather, it is an attempt on Euripides part to underscore the fact that the heroic context for vengeance has been lost In the play, the background situation for the revenge is such that the act itself can no longer be regarded as a great act of heroism reinstating justice (δικη) throughout the whole πολιζ. This loss of the heroism in the background context of the revenge can be clearly seen in a comparison of the scene with that of Aeschylus' Choephoroi (1) In Electra the antagonists are not large figures but are seen in complete isolation from the citizen-life of πολιζ Aegisthus' attendants are not citizens of Argos but are house slaves Clytaemnestra fears aspersion on her morality and lives an exotic life only with Phrygian slave-women (2) The action in Euripides' play is at a distance from πολιζ, whereas Aeschylus centers the action of his play in the heart of political power Aeschylus' Orestes marches into the palace, while Euripides' Orestes is ushered into a farm-house in the countryside, led there hand in hand by the very man he will eventually slay Once Orestes has completed his revenge in Aeschylus' play, he addresses the citizens in apology for his deed Euripides' Orestes, however, shakes his javelin "with courage" ανδρειαζ δ' υπο (845) against Aegisthus' slaves who earlier were scorned (632-633) After they recognize him, they surround him with praise and crown him This last point culminates the irony of the scene Orestes has called his revenge "the crown" στεφανον(614) Eventually he gets his crown, but it is the crown of slaves Having lost the heroic context for revenge, Orestes is no match for the legendary heroes of the past, heroes he nevertheless believes he has imitated. The poet's overall stance towards the protagonists, however, is neither critical nor cynical Rather, as he observes them grappling with their impossible situations, he seems to be sympathetic This sympathetic view is suggested in the noteworthy change that takes place in the attitude of the gods as presented in the play. Moved by the lament of the protagonists, Dioscuri say, "Sad is your plaint to hear For in me and the gods of the heaven, there is pity for the many hardships of mortals" (1327-1330) Apollo is, of course, included among "the gods of heaven" And he is present in this play, as a statue on the stage He keeps silent, but he has seen every detail of the act His silent observation of the protagonists is much the same as that of the audience In Apollo's pity one can see a reflection of the sympathy the audience and the poet feel for the protagonists

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　En 1750, Voltaire fit représenter Oreste. Parmi les prédécesseurs qui avaient déjà utilisé le même sujet（Eschyle, Sophocle, Euripide, Longepierre, entre autres）, c’est Crébillon qui a poussé Voltaire à écrire son Oreste. Car Crébillon avait introduit deux intrigues galantes entre les enfants de Clytemnestre et ceux d’Égisthe. Pour Voltaire qui blâmait la galanterie dans la tragédie, un tel épisode n’était qu’un outrage à la tradition à laquelle son Oreste est donc revenu. Mais en même temps qu’une critique contre Crébillon, la composition d’Oreste constituait aussi un défi aux pièces grecques.

　Pour inspirer la pitié, il ne suffit pas de représenter la simple mort de Clytemnestre. Voltaire vise à attendrir le public par le conflit intérieur de la reine. Aussi Voltaire décrit-il non seulement l’amour d’une mère mais celui d’une épouse. Tout en aimant ses enfants et concevant un sentiment de culpabilité à leur égard, elle garde son amour pour Égisthe. Elle cherche continuellement à jouer à la fois le rôle de mère et celui d’épouse dans l’espoir de rétablir le bonheur de sa famille. L’une des particularités de l’Oreste voltairien se trouve dans cet aspect de la sincérité de Clytemnestre.

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The purpose of this paper is to show Hercules' role in the Aen., especially in the Hercules-Cacus episode (8.185ff.) , by examining the correspondence of Hercules in the Aen. to Orestes in the Od. It is well known that Aeneas' journey to Pallanteum in Aen. VIII is modelled on Telemachus' journey to Pylos in Od. III. In Aen. 8.362-5, Euander encourages Aeneas to follow Hercules' example, just as Nestor encourages Telemachus to follow Orestes' example in Od. 3.199-200. Hence there is correspondence of Hercules in the Aen. to Orestes in the Od. as paradeigma (en exemplar). Orestes is mentioned in Od. I, III, IV, XI. Od. I-IV(the story of Telemachus)correspond to Aen. VIII, and Od. XI clearly corresponds to Aen. VI. Hercules plays an important part in Aen. VI and VIII(a parallel to Aeneas and Augustus), like Orestes in Od. I-IV and XI, who is a parallel to Odysseus and Telemachus as an avenger. In this respect, Aen. VI and VIII correspond to Od. I-IV and XI. This view is cofirmed through the correspondence of the prophets, i.e. Sibylla(Aen. VI) , Tiberinus(Aen. VIII) , Teiresias (Od. XI), and Proteus(Od. IV). Now the Hercules-Cacus episode in Aen. VIII, like the Orestes story in the Od., contains the motives of 'treachery' and 'revenge'. In this episode, Hercules is called an avenger(8.201 ultor), and Cacus uses treachery(206 dolus). Likewise, in the Od., Agamemnon's death through the treachery of Aegisthus is told, Orestes is cited as an examplar of revenge, and the method of revenge by Odysseus and Telemachus comes into question(by treachery or openly : 1.296, 11. 120). Hence I suggest the following two points : (1) The motive of 'treachery or valor' (cf. 2.390 dolus an uirtus) is indicated in this episode. Hercules' uirtus, in contrast to Cacus' dolus, is recalled from Aen. VI(122-31, 801-6). (2) Hercules' victory over Cacus foreshadows Aeneas' victory over Turnus, just as Orestes' revenge on Aegisthus corresponds to Odysseus and Telemachus' revenge on the suitors. Therefore, considering the correspondence of Hercules and Orestes, Turnus corresponds to the suitors in the Od. as a man who should be killed. In conclusion, Hercules is described as paradeigma of an avenger by valor (not by treachery).

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it is generally admitted that the mam theme in the latter half of the Odyssey is derived from the tale of a wanderer's return and reunion with his wife such as would be seen in folk-tales the world over In the Odyssey, however, Penelope knows nothing about her husband's return until the killing of the suitors is over Now there arises a question why Odysseus does not take his wife into his confidence while making himself known to his son Telemachus According to the view of the so-called analysts, there existed another version of the Odyssey where the heio was recognized and helped by his wife before the killing of the suitors If, however, this view were right, there would have been two (') persons who helped Odysseus to kill the suitors Now the situation in the latter half of the Odyssey requires that there should be at least one person who helps the hero from within Then there would be no place for a grown-up son like Telemachus if the wife helps her husband from within as would be seen in folk-tales If, however, the hero's helper is his own son, there would be no place at all for the wife, as in the Odyssey From this and other observations the present writer supposes that in the Odyssey Telemachus must have taken upon himself the role played originally by the wife in folk-tales and that he must have played a very important part in the making of the Odyssey as a heroic epic The view of the analysts, on the one hand, cannot be accepted as a true picture of the Odyssey, as they confuse the element of a folk-tale (i e the wife) with that of a heroicepic (i e the son) When we observe closely the role played by Telemachus in the first half of the poem we find that the main purpose of his journey lies in connecting closely with the heroic world the hero of the Odyssey whose sphere of actions lay originally in the fantastic world of folk-tales Here it is to be noted that the return of the Atreides, especially that of Agamemnon as told in the first four books and then in Books 11 and 24, makes a strong contrast with that of Odysseus Now in Book 11 Agamemnon advises Odysseus to be cautious with his wife when the latter returns home With this warning still fresh in his ear, Odysseus could not have taken his wife into his confidence as the analysts suppose Penelope, on the one hand, could not have easily forgiven her husband who kept not only his own identity secret until the very last moment but also tried to put her faithfulness to the cruel test (19 221 ff) Such psychological conflicts between husband and wife as are found in Book 23 could only be possible when the role of helping wife was given to Telemachus and not to Penelope The present writer, considering in what relation the tale of the Atreides' return as told in the Odyssey would have stood with the so-called νοστοι of Agias, comes to the conclusion that there must have existed another epic poem concerning the Atreides' return before the poet of the Odyssey composed Such an epic must have had two threads, i e that of Agamemnon on the one hand and that of Menelaos on the other, the latter being subordinated to the former Here the present writer supposes that such a constiuction of two threads must have influenced the peculiar structure of the Odyssey which is formed from the stoiy of Odysseus and that of Telemachus And while the tales of the Atreides' and other heroes' return are told again and again, the Odyssey becomes not only a tale of Odysseus' adventures and return, but also an epic of the Greek army's direful return And in this connection Telemachus is seen playing a role which links the world of folk-tale with that of the heroic poetry which developed around the war of Troy

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The chorus in Agamemnon by Aeschylus takes up over half of the tragedy. The scholars have studied the chorus's responses and opinions, but they have not recognized the keyword in this play.

In this paper, I study the chorus of Agamemnon with reference to the keyword, “ϕθóvos” that the chorus employs from their entrance song to the climax of this play. Φθóvos means envy or grudge which was used by a contemporary of Aeschylus first and also Aeschylus used this word as “ϕθóvos of gods” and “ϕθóvos of people”. In their entrance song, the chorus sings about ϕθóvos of the goddess Artemis which is the reason for the victim Ipigeneia's fare. She is the daughter of Agamemnon and Clytemestra, and therefor Clytemestra kills him. In the next choral scene, the chorus sings about Agamemnon getting ϕθóvos from families who lost their family members in the war of Troy. although he is a supreme commander of this war, he survives and returns to his home.

Φθóvos appears in the dialogue of Agamemnon and Clytemestra in the climax in this play. Because of Clytemestra's recommendation, Agamemnon ended up getting ϕθóvos of the gods by walking on the purple vestments that belong to the gods. He couldn't avoid ϕθóvos and was killed by his wife.

The chorus always employs ϕθóvos as being the keyword in the evolution of this play.

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Marguerite Yourcenar parle souvent de l'importance de la voix du narrateur dans ses romans, ou elle choisit toujours des narrateurs masculins mail jamais des narratrices. Par contre, dans ses pieces de theatre, nous constatons qu'il y a beaucoup de femmes qui parlent, s'expriment et jouent les roles principaux. Dans cet article, nous avons donc essaye de degager quelques traits particuliers du theatre yourcenarien en exposant les caracteristiques des voix feminines dans Electre ou la chute des masques ; celles de la mere et de la fine. Il y existe une rivalite evidente et un contraste saisissant entre elles, neanmoins, les deux voix feminines se synchronisent, se superposent et s'identifient. Cela nous fait penser a la situation ambigue de l'auteur envers sa propre mere, qu'elle a perdue a sa naissance et dont elle n'a pas connu la voix. Si ses romans sont l'expression d'un savoir et d'un intellect, ses pieces de theatre ne sont-elles pas flees de l'exigence de son etat d'ame personnel?

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The author has inquired into the implications and functions of απατη and δολοζ in Hom, by examining their usage in their context Among the four examples of απατη in Il we first scrutinize the one in B (114) Agamemnon says to the Greeks that Zeus, who had once promised him the sack of Troy, has now devised κακη απατη in bidding him retreat to Argos in disgrace (the same lines are repeated in I) In these scenes as well as in the one in 0 where Zeus warns Hera against απατη, the deed is not of human agency, but divine This is true as well in the case in Δ 168 where the word apparently refers to the truce-breaking of Pandarus, which is in fact instigated by Athena It should also be remembered that Zeus' απατη in B and I is depicted as ατη from Agamemnon's point of view In Od, on the other hand, the word appears only once in ν, and here it is applied to a human being, Odysseus, who is praised by Athena for this quality Through investigation it is proved that the same holds true of the derivatives of απατη (απαταω, εξαπαταω, απατηλιοζ, απατηλοζ), in Il they refer to divine deeds or to human deeds resulting from divine intervention, whereas in Od they depict or relate to human actions which in most cases are characteristic of the persons concerned and often have much to do with the development of the story Remarkable is the difference in the frequency of the use of δολοζ between Il and Od, i e 11 times in the former versus 32 times in the latter In Il, except for two scenes where gods' actions are mentioned (Hera's in O and Apollo's in Φ), the word is found only in small episodes and digressions which are of little or no importance in the plot In this respect Od is rather different from Il Firstly, in Od the word is used mostly to describe the tactics of human beings , the only exceptions are in the "Ares-Aphrodite song", the "Kirke-story", a small episode in δ and Odysseus' lamentation in e Secondly, δολοζ as a human strategy is generally significant in the narrative, e g in the case of Penelope it stands for the "Scheme of Weaving", in that of Aigisthus-Klytaimnestra for the "Murder of Agamemnon" and in that of Telemachus for "Vengeance upon the suitors" These repetitions of the word δολοζ, pointing up "contrasts" and "parallels" between different characters, including of course Odysseus himself, must have contributed much to the audience's appreciation of the orally recited poem Thirdly, the word is employed effectively to delineate the characters of the persons concerned The derivatives of δολοζ, as well as ψευδοζ and its derivatives, are morefrequently and significantly applied in Od than in Il Striking is the equivalency of "δολω" and "αμφαδον" in the advice given by Athena and Teiresias (α 296 a= λ 120 a) Here can be seen quite another norm of moral values than that in Il (cf H 243) As observed also from Athena's applause of Odysseus in ν where the goddess places the hero on a par with herself by using the "dual-number" (296 f), the words απατη and δολοζ in Od are not tinged with a negative import but generally with a rather positive one Nevertheless δολοζ may be regarded as having a negative implication when its agents, like Aigisthus and Clytaimnestra, are devoid of the virtues of patience and self-possession It is indeed with these virtues that Odysseus and Penelope resort to δολοζ, especially the former who, by being πολυτλαζ and πολυμητιζ, succeeded not only in reestablishing his status in Ithaka but also in establishing himself as a "hero" entirely different from Achilleus in Il

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Athene's Advice to Telemachus in the First Book of the Odyssey contains the following four points : (a) to demand that the suitors return to their own homes, (b) to let his mother, Penelope, return to her father's home, if she wishes to marry, (c) to visit Pylus and Sparta to get some information about his father; to bear up patiently for a year, if he hears there that his father is still alive, and to let her mother marry, if he hears otherwise, and (d) after these, to devise a plan for killing the suitors. A. Kirchhoff-and most analysts following him-finds fault with these elements of the Advice: (a) and (b) are impossible demands for Telemachus, (c) is a demand without taking the consequence of (a) and (b) into consideration, and (d) is pointless, because the suitors have no reason to stay on in Odysseus' house after Penelope's marriage. He proceeds to say that there can be found no inner relationship among the various pieces of Advice; that on the contrary they are incongruous with one another; and that is why, according to him, this Advice of Athene should be regarded as an interpolation; an interpolation based on the Second Book, neglecting the inner correspondence within the Advice. However, I think that the weakness of this theory lies in the fact that they seek to find the inner consistency only within the Advice. I hold that we may come to a different perspective if we examine the Advice in a broader context taking into consideration the scenes which come before and after the Advice. At the gods' assembly on Olympus, Athene proposes (A) to send forth Hermes to the island of Calypso, informing Calypso of the gods' decision that Odysseus should return home, and Athene herself will go to Ithaca (B1) to encourage Telemachus, so that he may say freely at the meeting to the suitors what he has to say, and (B2) to order Telemachus to visit Pylus and Sparta, so that he may acquire fame. In Ithaca Athene tolds to Telemachus hoping that he may understand her intention (B1) and on his own initiative take decisive action against suitors. Telemachus, however, not only disappoints her, but also says that because of her indecision about her marriage, Penelope should be responsible for the present confusion in his household. So Athene openly asks him to be brave and gives him advice (a), (b), (c) and (d). Now advice (a) is naturally to be fulfilled only after the suitors are accused of their injustice at the meeting, and this is why Athene proposes herself (B1) to encourage Telemachus to tell them at the meeting what he really has in mind. Thus it is safely inferred that Athene's intention in (a) is to let Telemachus accuse the suitors. Her intention in (b) is that if Telemachus thinks her mother is responsible for the situation, Athene tries to show that the injustice of the suitors, the source of all grievances, become truly intolerable. Athene, therefore, does not expect her advice (a) and (b) to be fulfilled immediatly. Hence we need not expect any consistency among (a) , (b) and (c). Athene's intention in (c) is to let Telemachus know the heroic world through experienced old Nestor and Menelaus, his father's mate, who has just returned home, so that he may learn strategem, because unexperienced Telemachus is quite powerless against the suitors, if taking a decisive stand he should fall into hostile relations with them. Athene's suggestion to send Telemachus to secure information about his father is a mere pretext-his journey to Starta is consistent with this pretext; her real intention is to give Telemachus a chance of initiation into manhood. Athene advises him, if he hears Odysseus is dead, to let Penelope marry and (d) to kill the suitors in his house; the suitor's injustice deserves a punishment, even if they will not stay longer at his house after her marriage. It is Telemachus' duty to avenge them now that his

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