2000年7月15日から24日にかけて, ロシア連邦アルタイ山脈のソフィスキー氷河の涵養域 (標高3450m地点) にて掘削を主とする氷河調査を実施した.本調査の目的は, 1) ソフィスキー氷河での雪氷コアによる過去の気候・環境変動研究の可能性の評価, 2) ヘリコプター利用を含めた輸送や物資調達等設営的課題の解決, 3) ロシア人研究者との共同研究に関する検討で, 2001年度に実施予定の本調査の予備調査として位置づけられる.本報告では, 目的の1) に関連して実施した12.3mコアと, 3mピットの現場観測結果および気象観測結果, さらに目的の2) に関連した事項について報告する.ソフィスキー氷河涵養域は, 表面から8m深までは0.0℃であり, それ以深はマイナスになり, 10m深で最低雪温 (-0.11℃) を示した.また, 表面から12.3m深で14層の薄茶色の層 (汚れ層) が観察された.氷河上の気温は-4～+5.5℃, 風速は0～5m/sで推移した.風向は西から南西が卓越した.

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The Russian population decreased between the two censuses conducted in 1989 and 2002 as a result mainly of an increase in male mortality and a decline in birth rates. My previous research focused on premature death or the high mortality rate of the male working-age population. In this paper, multi-regression analyses are applied to regional data from Russia, in order to clarify the relationship between male mortality by age and socio-economic factors in each region. The use of regional mortality rate by age as an independent variable in this paper is a new approach in this field of studies.
The result demonstrates that among socio-economic factors analyzed in this paper, a drink-related crime rate (the rate of crimes committed under the influence of alcohol per 10, 000 people) most significantly correlates to high male mortality, and especially to high mortality in the younger cohort of working-age males. As was shown by earlier research, the increase in male mortality in Russia was mainly brought about by such causes of death as trauma and poisoning, including suicide and homicide, and diseases of the circulatory system, all of which often originate in heavy consumption of alcohol. The conclusion of this paper also confirms this observation.
By comparison with this factor, the economic factors analyzed in this paper, i.e. per capita money income and the unemployment rate, have weaker correlations to high male mortality. But both factors have statistical significance in regression equations concerning working-age males and the middle age cohort (35-44 years old) among them. While per capita income has a negative correlation with mortality, with respect to the unemployment rate a negative correlation (i.e., the lower the unemployment, the higher the mortality) is observed. This might be a result of heavy stress in industrially active regions, which could enhance mortality caused by trauma and poisoning. The fact that the effect of economic factors is not so significant compared with the drink-related crime rate might be explained by the use of 2002 data in this paper, rather than data from the early 1990s, i.e., the period of economic turmoil caused by system change. These problems and validity of other socio-economic factors remain to be answered.

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This article focuses on the legal backgrounds and aspects of the reform of Russian federation initiated by President Putin
Of course, the reform of Russian Federation is an important event in Russian politics. But without understanding the legal background and aspects, we can not comprehend the feature of Russian Federation reform fully, because the federation reform by President Putin is a reaction to the fact that some of federation subjects have formed its own legal system since the early stage of the transition in Russia, and others began to legislate its own laws and decrees after the adoption of new Russian Constitution. As a result, Russia came to have two legal system, federal law and regional law, and the legal aspects became more important in the relation between the federal center and federation subjects. Putting it in another way, it is not enough to restore to political negotiations in order to resolve the problems and conflicts between the federal center and federation subjects.
Since the beginning of the transition process in Russia, the federation reform has been a main and difficult issue. 1993 Russian Constitution provides that Russian Federation is a democratic federal rule-of-law state and federation subjects each are equal subjects of Russian Federation. It divides jurisdictions between Russian Federation and federation subjects - the jurisdiction of Russian Federation, the joint jurisdiction, the jurisdiction of federation subject. At the same time, 1993 Russian Constitution allow concluding treaties on the delimitation of scopes of authority and powers between the federal center and its subjects (power-sharing treaties) . In 1993 Russian Constitution the relation between the division of jurisdiction provided by Russian Constitution and the delimitation of scopes of authority and powers decided by the treaties is not sufficiently clear.
1993 Russian Constitution has two contradicting elements. On one hand, it allows Russian Federation to be stronger in the sphere of the legislative power and judiciary power. The Article 76 of the Constitution provides that on issues within the jurisdiction of Russian Federation federal constitutional laws and federal laws shall be adopted and on matters within the joint jurisdiction federal laws shall be issued, in accordance with which federation subjects shall adopt their laws and decrees. According to the Article 71 of the Constitution“law courts; Prosecutor's Office; criminal, criminal-procedural and criminal-executive legislation; amnesty and pardon; civil, civil-procedural and arbitration-procedural legislation; legal regulation of intellectual property”belongs to the federal jurisdiction. Because of this the federation subjects have few powers in the sphere of the judiciary power. Russian judiciary system has common features of that of unitary states. On the other hand, 1993 Russian Constitution contains unique articles, the origin of which can trace back to the principles of the federation embodied in the form of USSR. Article 11 is a typical example of this.
President Eltsin concluded 49 power-sharing treaties with individual federal subject from 1994 to 1998. While some of power-sharing treaties contributed toward maintaining the Russian Federation, the conclusion of the power-sharing treaties served as a method for Elttin to get the supports from the federation subjects. Power-sharing treaties individualized the relations between federal center and federation subjects. On the contrary, Putin's challenge is to establish the legal order between federal center and federation subjects. While under the federal structure stipulated in Russian Constitution the federal center has strong powers, the federal center did not have enough ability to force the federation subjects to comply with Russian Constitution and federal laws. President Putin became aware of this weak point in the Russian Federation.

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モンゴル西部バヤン・ウルギー県では，イヌワシを用いて騎馬で出猟する「騎馬鷹狩猟」の伝統が数世紀にわたり伝えられてきた．しかし現在，イヌワシの飼育者は同県全域で100名を下回り，急激な観光化とともに伝統の知恵と技法の喪失に直面する文化変容の過渡期にある．本研究は長期滞在型のフィールドワークにもとづく「鷲使いの民族誌」「牧畜社会の現状」「鷹狩文化の持続性」などの，著者のこれまで得た知見を統合し，カザフの騎馬鷹狩文化を保護・継承してゆくための脆弱性とレジリエンスについて考察した．その結果，騎馬鷹狩の成立条件には，(1)　イヌワシの営巣環境の保全，(2)　牧畜生産性の向上，(3)　出猟習慣の継続，の実践が不可欠であることが浮かび上がった．騎馬鷹狩文化とは，「環境」「社会」「文化」が有機的に連結したハイブリッドな無形文化遺産であり，とくに牧畜社会の暮らしの文脈に成立の多くを依存する特質をあきらかにした．

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This paper reports on the social roles imposed on men and women, especially after marriage, and their transformation, taking into account the gender recognition process in Kazakh society in Mongolia. 　Kazakhs are recognized as men and women socially through marriage. Having nomadism as the basis of their culture and its social structure based on patrilineal origins, Kazakhs still adhere to the rule of exogamy. Due to the two transformations of the social system that took place in the 20th century, there are differences in marriage patterns and religious beliefs depending on the period. 　The main social roles expected of men and women are to carry on the family line and to establish their own family. Specifically, they are expected to (i) bear and nurture children, (ii) link household networks, and (iii) fulfil their gender roles in their livelihood. On the other hand, if circumstances prevent them from fulfilling these roles, they may divorce, remarry, adopt or migrate with the help of relatives.

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ロシアの90年代の人口減少に対して各地域がどのように寄与したかについて検討した。92年からの人口減少が欧露部の中央などでの自然減少と,極東や北方地域での社会減少によるものであり,99年以降の人口減少加速化は欧露部の中央,北西部,沿ヴォルガ地域などでの自然減少の加速化によるものであること,人口減少の主要因である男性の早死は欧露部の中央,北西部や大都市圏,出生率の低下はロシア全域で生じたことを明らかにした。

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In Russia, “fundamentalism” in the Russian Orthodox Church has been on the rise since the early 1990's. “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” stand for restoration of autocracy, restriction against the Jews and the confessions other than the Orthodox one, the imperial principle of state structure, the Russian Orthodox Church status as the state church, for complete rejection of the concepts of democracy and human rights (in particular, as concerns the freedom of conscience), opposition to any forms of Western influence within the country and struggle against it beyond its borders, and compulsory imposition of “Orthodox values” in every-day life, culture and even economy. Their worldview is based on extremely mythologized notions about the pre-revolutionary Orthodox monarchy.
Inside the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate, Metropolitan of Saint Petersburg and Ladoga Ioann, a person of a greatest authority among the conservatives, prodused the most convincing arguments in favor of a “fundamentalist” position. Many Orthodox “fundamentalist” leaders including an activist Konstantin Dushenov, Editor-in-Chief of “Orthodox Rus” newspaper, have followed Ioann. Some church bishops and the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad and of the True Orthodox Church have represented “fundamentalist” circles in these churches. A number of Orthodox brotherhoods, such as the Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, the Christian Regeneration Union, the Union of Orthodox Citizens, ideologically hold extremely nationalist positions. Same as the similar extra-Church groups, such brotherhoods are not supported by the bishops, but it is impossible to expel anybody from the Church for political views and the nationalist brotherhoods continue working actively. Moreover, right-wing extremist organizations, such as “Pamyat”, “Black Hundred”, “Russian National Unity” actively cooperate in many regions with Russian Orthodox Church clerics. These persons and organizations can be classified into “fundamentalism” and “quasi-fundamentalism” for the moment. The clerics in the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate, the Russian Orthodox church Abroad, the True Orthodox Church are the former. The Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, the Christian Regeneration Union are included in it. The Union of Orthodox Citizens and the right-wing extremist organizations are the latter.
“Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” fight back to defend their national and religious identity and worldview, fight with fundamentals of “Autocracy, Orthodoxy, Nationality”, and fight against their enemy. such as Western Europe, globalization under the name of God. “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalism” is similar to Russian Right-wing Extremism, and both of them are violent and aren't tolerant. “Russian Orthodox Fndamentalists” base their core identity on religion and they try to construct structual violence. Russian Right-wing Extremists emphasise race, nationality, state in their identity and they resort to physical violence. In addition, Russian New Right-wing Extremism borrow various ideologies othar than Russian Orthodox Christianity.
In 2002, conflict between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church has come to the surface. It seems that since the early 1990's the unstable balance between “fundamentalists” and the Patriarchate has been gradually shifting in favor of “fundamentalists”. It is impossible to ignore the influence of “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” at the aspects of politics, society, and public opinion in Russia today.

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To cope with continuous growth in the world demand for gas, it is not enough to make simply continue investments on new gas field developments. At the same time the gas pipeline network has to be extended to new markets whenever a new gas producing region is created, since gas has no alternative transport measure from fields to market. The nature of pipelines is to form a "natural monopoly" because of the large investments required and the exclusiveness of competition. However, at the planning stage plans of cross-border gas pipelines are facing various types of competition. Russia, the largest gas producing country in the world, confronts competition of gas suppliers set by Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan for the market of China and the South Europe respectively, on the other hand Russia made China a gas-market competitor against the traditional European market, which allowed Russia to win a series of long-term sales and purchase agreements from European gas distributors. As the gas demand soars, Russia may notch a stronger position against both East and West due to its magnitude and flexibility of deliveries, which is being accomplished not through geopolitics but rather through competition in the market.

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モンゴル国西部アルタイ地域の遊牧民には，イヌワシ(Aquila chrysaetos daphanea)を鷹狩用に捕獲・馴致する伝統が受け継がれている．鷲使いたちは，巣からヒナワシ“コルバラ”を捕獲するか，成鳥“ジュズ”を罠や網で捕獲する方法でイヌワシ（雌個体のみ）を入手する．そして4～5年間狩猟を共にしたのち，性成熟を機として再び自然へと返す「産地返還」の習慣を「鷹匠の掟」としてきた．しかし近年，こうした環境共生観の伝統知は熱心に実践されているとは言い難い．一部のイヌワシの交換，取引，転売は，地域の遊牧民や鷹匠にとって「現金収入」「生活資金源」となることもある．現存のイヌワシ飼育者(n=42)へのインタビューから，1963年～2014年までの52年間で入手履歴222例／離別履歴167例が特定された．しかし新規参入者の停滞に反してイヌワシ入手件数は増加する傾向にある．またイヌワシとの離別では，「産地返還」された個体は47.7%とそれほど高くはなく，「死別」「逃避」が全飼養個体の38.0%を占める．こうした結果からは，カザフ騎馬鷹狩文化がイヌワシ馴化・飼養の伝統知とともに連綿とつちかわれた自然崇拝観の継承・実践も鷲使いたちに徹底させる必要が，いま浮かび上がっている．

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ロシアでは，1990年代の反省に立ち，2005年の連邦法により連邦主導の経済特区政策が形成された．しかし，その内実は対外経済政策というよりは国内産業政策という色彩が濃く，また税制等の制度面よりは行政の対応の方がインセンティブとして機能しているなど，他国の特区とは様相を異にする．現在のところ特区がロシア経済の多角化・高度化に貢献しているとは言えず，ロシア政府も2009年12月に特区法の改定に踏み切っている．

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