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  • 山下 王世
    建築史学
    2017年 69 巻 137-146
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -前近代オスマン朝の首都性の研究 (その2)-
    川本 智史
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2012年 77 巻 679 号 2211-2217
    発行日: 2012/09/30
    公開日: 2013/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper will discuss the creation of Edirne Old Palace by the Ottoman dynasty in the first half of the fifteenth century. Although the local Ottoman sources scarcely mention this palace, the travelogs and letters of contemporary European travelers explicate its inner structure. According to these reports, existence of the ceremonial courtyard and the Chamber of Petitions in Edirne Old Palace is proved. Prior to the construction of Topkapi Palace in Istanbul built during1460s, Edirne Old Palace provided the prototype for subsequent premodern Ottoman palaces.
  • -前近代オスマン朝の首都性の研究(その1)-
    川本 智史
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2010年 75 巻 654 号 2055-2061
    発行日: 2010/08/30
    公開日: 2010/10/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper will discuss the Ottoman capitals and palaces in the fifteenth to sixteenth century through the study of contemporary chronicles. Contrary to the common belief that after the fall of Constantinople in 1453 Istanbul had become the sole Ottoman capital, with Topkapi palace as the center of royal political ceremonies and residence, the sultans frequently stayed in the former capital Edirne and presided over the political affairs till the reign of Suleyman I starting from 1520. Also, it turned out that various palaces in Istanbul other than Topkapi, had been used for residential and ceremonial purposes in the late sixteenth century.
  • 東京大学出版会,2016 年 8 月,265 + 25 頁,定価 6,600 円(税別)
    深見 奈緒子
    オリエント
    2018年 60 巻 2 号 208-213
    発行日: 2018/03/31
    公開日: 2021/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川本 智史
    建築史学
    2015年 64 巻 2-34
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2018/07/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 今澤 浩二
    オリエント
    2014年 56 巻 2 号 65-82
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2017/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.
     Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the ulema class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the ulema class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.
     During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (kuls) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of Rumeli Beylerbeyi. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of kul and ulema backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the kul viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having kul viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing kul viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.
  • 小山 皓一郎
    オリエント
    1971年 14 巻 2 号 125-141,186
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1683 Vienna was sieged by Ottoman Turks and was relieved after two months “Vekayi'-i Beç” is the first major Turkish source for this historical event. It exists in two manuscript copies, one in London and the other in Istanbul (T. K. S., Revan, No 1310-of which microfilm was recently accepted by the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo). The portion of the work concerning the siege and its aftermath has been translated into German and annotated by Richard F. Kreutel (Kara Mustaf a vor Wien: das Türkishe Tagebuch der Belagerung Wiens verfasst vom Zeremonienmeister der Hohen Pforte). “Vekayi'-i Beç” is. supposed to be an official diary written by the anonymous Master of Ceremonies (tesrifatci) of the Ottoman court. Its eyewitness description reflects first-hand knowledge about the abortive Turkish siege of Vienna. Moreover, through the examination of this diary we shall be able to throw light on the military structure of the Ottoman state.
  • 都市トポスの誕生と16世紀イスタンブル
    宮下 遼
    イスラム世界
    2008年 70 巻 1-34
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2023/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小笠原 弘幸
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 1 号 70-94
    発行日: 2002/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the beginning of the 18th century, Ottoman historical writing was dominated by official historians ("Vekayi'-nuvis"), who continued to record Ottoman history and were consecutively appointed from the beginning of the 18th century to the end of Ottoman empire. Their style of historical writing is very rare not only under the Ottoman dynasty but also in all the whole of the Islamic world. Regarding the research to date on this subject, not many scholars have examined the careers of "official historians" thoroughly, and consequently regard the process of their formation as static. The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the process of that formation through examining the careers of the first four historians, Na'ima (d.1716), Sefik (d.1715), Rasid (d.1735) and Kucukcelebizade (d.1769). Na'ima was appointed by grand vezir Amcazade Huseyn in order to complete a draft of sarihu'l-Menarzade. Sefik was probably nominated twice, firstly by grand vezir Rami (though this appointment is very doubtful), secondly by grand vezir Sehid 'Ali. Sefik wrote two works, but neither is a normal chronicles and have no relationship the chronicles of Na'ima and Rasid. Rasid was firstly appointed by Sehid 'Ali in order to chronicle the reign of Sultan Ahmed III in 1714/5. Reappointed by Nevsehirli Ibrahim in 1717,Rasid was ordered to continue his work. But soon after that, Nevsehirli changed his order from recording the reign of Sultan Ahmed III to continuing the chronicle of Na'ima. This change is important because continuous chronicling of Ottoman history began from this time. Kucukcelebizade became a successor to Rasid and began to write from the end of Rasid's chronicle in 1723,after which continuous chronicling and appointment of official historians was normalized. In the Ottoman empire, there were many "temporary official historians" appointed by Sultans or influential persons before the "continuous official historians" i.e.vekayi'-nuvis. For example, we can identify Nergisi, Nulhimi and Abdi. Of course they were officially appointed, but never composed continuous chronicles or were appointed consecutively. The author considers the appointments of Na'ima, Sefik and Rasid (until Nevsehirli's changing his order) as "temporary". "Continuous official historians" only appeared after Nevsehirli changed his order in 1717. The result of this survey shows that a change from "temporary official historian" to "continuous official historian" happened around so-called "Tulip era" (1718-1730). This process of a formation of the official historians may parallel the development of the bureaucracy from the 17th century on.
  • 今澤 浩二
    オリエント
    1994年 37 巻 1 号 121-136
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kemalpasazade (1468-1534) was born in a military family, but afterwards changed over to the Ulema. He served in Bayezid II, Selim I and Süleyman the Magnificent, and was promoted to the Seyhülislâm, the highest rank of the Ulema. His chronicle in the fluent and elegant Ottoman-Turkish style, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân was composed in the form that each volume (defter) was assigned for one of the Ottoman sultans, and 8 volumes for the reigns from Osman I to Bayezid II were dedicated to Bayezid II in 916/1510-11. After that by the request of Süleyman, 2 volumes for Selim and Süleyman were added, and thus the so-called “Kemalpasazade Tarihi” came into existence in 10 volumes. This work, however, was not appreciated in those days and forgotten by the later Ottoman chroniclers. Since in the latter half of this century Prof. Dr. Serafettin Turan published Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 1, 2 and 7, the importance of this work has been gradually appreciated.
    This paper deals with Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid (1389-1403), which still remains a manuscript. The contents and the order of description of this work is fundamentally based on Nesrî's Kitab-i Cihan-nümâ, and also made use of the chronicles in the early ages of the Ottoman Empire, Oruc b. Âdil's and the anonymous Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân, etc. On the other hand, however, Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 contains much information of its own, which the above-mentioned works do not, and in this point we can say that this work has the great value as historical source. It fully describes the important events, for example, of the murder of Kadi Burhaneddin, the ruler of Sivas, by Kara Yülük Osman, the founder of the Aqqoyunlu Empire, and of the refuge of Aqtav, the influential amir of the Golden Horde, to the Ottoman Empire. And also there are valuable accounts for the activities of Bayezid's son Ertugrul and the generals of the marches (uc beyi).
    From now on, if we make use of these accounts which did not come down to the later historical works, carrying out a further examination of them and confirming their reliableness, it has no doubt that Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 is the essential source as well as Aslkpasazade, Nesrî and so on, for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, the important age for the development of the Ottoman Empire.
  • 永田 雄三
    オリエント
    1969年 12 巻 3-4 号 149-168,228
    発行日: 1969年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Among the principal subjects of interest in 18th-19th century Ottoman history is the political influence exerted on the reform policies of the central government by the local notables known as A'yân and Derebeyi.
    While Mahmud II came to the throne, they, the local notables, at that time had divided and ruled even Anatolia and the Balkan area, vital parts of the empire.
    So this time I have studied their political activities after the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774, with stress on the “Nizâm-i Cedîd” of Selim III and on the “Sened-i Ittifak” of 1808, and then referred to the policy of Mahmud II for subjugation of the local notables.
  • 澤井 一彰
    比較都市史研究
    2012年 31 巻 2 号 8-9
    発行日: 2012/12/20
    公開日: 2017/08/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中町 信孝
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 5 号 918-923
    発行日: 2011/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • フィレンツェの経営史料から
    鴨野 洋一郎
    西洋史学
    2012年 247 巻 21-
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2022/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川本 智史
    比較都市史研究
    2016年 35 巻 1 号 34-35
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/10/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 瀧川 美生
    美学
    2017年 68 巻 2 号 61-
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2019/01/02
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Bezmiâlem Valide Sultan Mosque (commonly known as Dolmabahçe Mosque, 1852- 1855, Istanbul) has not been properly valued in the history of Ottoman architecture. The prevalent view is that Ottoman mosques of the 18th and 19th centuries degenerated from the Golden Age because more importance was attached to decoration rather than structure under European influences, thereby breaking with the Ottoman tradition. However, this mosque shares, along with European elements, the following essential characteristics with the Ottoman mosques of the Golden Age: (1) The unified space of the prayer hall formed by the single dome without any elements dividing the space; (2) the effects of the surroundings and the opening of the prayer hall, as well as the overall construction of the mosque; and (3) The rectangle form topped by a semicircle found in every part of the mosque, like the building’s form, windows, piers, and arches, among others.
  • 16-17世紀のバルカン半島におけるミュセッレム集団の存続と変容
    岩本 佳子
    オリエント
    2017年 59 巻 2 号 200-211
    発行日: 2017/03/31
    公開日: 2020/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explores the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and its tax-exempt auxiliary units. Throughout the 16th century, both in wartime and peacetime, these auxiliary units received tax exemptions. Their members were employed as warriors and cannon carriers, as well as laborers in dockyards, mines and so on. One type of these units, called müsellems, received fiefs, and members who gave service were supported by the others, called yamaks.

      In Western Anatolia, the müsellem system was abolished in 1582 because of a shortage of lands and tax assignments to allocate. However, investigations into the müsellems in the Balkans have been few. Because of this, it has not been clarified when müsellems were abolished in the Balkans, some claiming around the end of the 16th century and others, around the beginning of the 17th century.

      In this paper I examine the müsellem groups and the system that existed in the Balkans in the 16th and 17th centuries, making full use of tax registers, especially the tax registers held in the Archive of the General Directorate of Land Registry and Cadaster, situated in Ankara.

      I conclude that the müsellems, who had the tax exempt privilege were not abolished in the Balkans until 1602, unlike the müsellems in Western Anatolia. However, by the 1630s–1650s, the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers, that is, they became tax-farming units, so-called muḳāṭaʻas.

      I believe the reason is that in the 17th century when the Ottoman military and social system changed greatly, the Ottoman auxiliary units lost their importance to the Ottoman army, at which point the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers.

  • 鴨野 洋一郎
    史学雑誌
    2013年 122 巻 2 号 188-211
    発行日: 2013/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It was in the late fifteenth century that the city of Florence began trading with the Ottoman Empire on the basis of friendly diplomatic relations, mainly selling Florentine woolens and silks and buying Oriental goods. Medium-sized Florentine woolen makers played an important role in this trade. These companies took part in international commerce as "trading manufacturers", that is, both producing woolens then selling them in the Ottoman Empire, but on a more restricted scale than the largest companies had ever done. It became indispensable for the costs incurred in this trade to be stable and predictable in order that such companies could continue taking part in international trade. This paper focuses on the Guanti Wool Company already referred to by H. Hoshino. It sent Bartolomeo Guanti to Bursa as its agent in 1484 to initiate trade with the Ottoman Empire, selling garbo cloth and buying Persian raw silk. This company, which had sold more than a thousand bolts of cloth over more than ten years at Bursa, is one example of "trading manufacturers". The author of this paper has utilized Guanti, Co. ledgers and its agent's account book in researching the facts surrounding its Ottoman trade during the 1480's, mainly from the point of view of costs incurred, dividing them into three categories... 1) transportation costs of woolens, 2) costs incurred at Bursa and 3) import charges for Persian raw silk... and analyzing the ratios of each cost to sales figures. From this analysis it is evident that the ratios of costs incurred in the Ottoman trade were stable and their compositions almost predictable. The risks involved in trade, shipwrecks and theft, could be reduced by means of insurance and legal statutes. This characteristic feature of the Ottoman trade made the Guanti, Co. a medium-sized wool company acting in the role of a "trading manufacturer", as shown by concrete data of such activities of the company.
  • 芦川 智, 藤井 明, 金尾 朗, 芦川 紀子, 金子 友美
    住宅総合研究財団研究年報
    1995年 21 巻 169-185
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2018/05/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    中東地域の砂漠・乾燥地帯に存在するイスラム都市・集落の空間構成の中で,西欧中世都市の広場概念に相当するセンター概念がいかなる形態で存在するか,を実態調査を基礎にして探ってゆくことを目標とするが,その第1段階として,中東全域におけるイスラム都市の旧市街の道路構成と施設配列についての資料化をし,その多様な形態についての整理と類型化を行なったものが今回の報告である。30都市の資料化に当たっては,できる限り本来の姿を予想できる古い図面を探し,道路の形態を把握し,その中での施設配置を捉えてゆく事としている。30都市の類型化を行うに当たっては,林式数量化III類を用い,(1)都市・集落の境界の状況,(2)旧市街・新市街等のゾーン分けの状況,(3)求心的な要素の状況,(4)旧市街の中でのゾーン区別の状況,(5)道路パターンの状況,(6)空間のヒエラルキーの状況,の6項目を手掛かりとして適用している。その結果,Aグループ:単純明快な構成を持ち全体に均質的な都市空間を有するグループ(ガルダイア・ベニイスゲン・スファックス等),Bグループ:複合的な全体像を持ちながら若干混合し曖味な部分を有し,空間は均質なグループ(シバーム・バグダッド・スース・モスール等),Cグループ:空間に階層性があり,全体として混合した部分を有するグループ(ケルマーン・カイセリ・シバス・
    エディルネ
    等),Dグループ:空間に階層性があり,明快なまとまりを持っているが複合化した部分も持つグループ(アレッポ・ダマスクス・マラケシュ・フェス等),Eグループ:単純な構造で階層的空間構成を有し,しかも明快な構造を持つグルーブ(イスファハン・カイロ・チュニス等)の5つのグループを導入している。
  • 皇帝文書確認官アレクシオス・パレオロゴス・ヅァンブラコン一族の事例
    平野 智洋
    オリエント
    2015年 57 巻 2 号 29-40
    発行日: 2015/03/31
    公開日: 2018/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to provide a genealogical and prosopographical study of the epi tou kanikleiou Alexios Palaiologos Tzamblakon ( Ἀλέξιος Παλαιολόγος Τζαμπλάκων), who was the father-in-law of the 15th-century Byzantine historian Georgios Sphrantzis. The Tzamblakones had family relations with the Palaiologos dynasty and the Genose Zaccaria family, but the details still remain to be clarified. A reinterpretation of some contemporary sources suggests that the Tzamblakones were not descended from the Zaccaria family, but rather from a Zuan Blacho-Bamblachus of Vlach origin, known from the Latin sources.
     The Chronikon of Sphrantzis mentions a "wife's uncle (γυναικοθεῖος)" - Tzamblakon Kydonidis in the Peloponnese (XXXIX. 5). And there is a document that mentions a Joannes Zamblaco, "the cousin" of the despotis Thomas Palaiologos (1430-1460). These records suggest that Kydonidis was not a relative of Thomas's wife as some scholars have stated, but of Sphrantzis's wife Eleni. Family relations between the despot and the Tzamblakones can be traced back to the megas stratopedarchis Dimitrios Tzamblakon, who was husband of Evdokia, the great-granddaughter of the emperor Michail VIII (1259-1282). Alexios, the only known Palaiologos-Tzamblakon, is supposed to be their descendant (see the genealogical table).
     The Sphrantzai and the Tzamblakones had a common social background, and marriage relations between them mutually strengthened their political positions. Sphrantzis himself became a relative of the imperial family and gained a political position in the Peloponnese, where the Tzamblakones had an estate. On the other hand, the Tzamblakones, who were in political obscurity, regained their position at the court via their connection with Sphrantzis, who was a favorite of the emperor. Moreover, it is also attested that Sphrantzis sought refuge for his family in the Peloponnese during the period of the Ottoman threat (XXXIV. 7). Their relationship was typical of the socio-political relationships among the Byzantine bureaucrats.
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