In the previous study that authors mentioned on the investigation into oxcart of the Ephesus museum, authors noticed that the state of assembling of wheels to axle was strange. That is, the wedges (lynchpins) did not fit tightly against wheels and large clearance existed between them. In this study, authors report two kinds of solid circular plate wheels that were found accidentally in the backyard of the restaurant of Dinar (Apamea of ancient Greece era). Irrational state of Ephesus's wheel mentioned above will be made clear from the wheels found in Dinar.

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The authors did the field survey of the oxcarts in the Turkish western coastal zone in 1998. Overviews of them were released at the annual meeting of 2007. However, it did not lead to the specification data of the oxcarts. In the present report, authors tried to clarify the dimensional data and structure about oxcart having two wheels which was exhibited to the Ephesus Museum in the Selcuk city. As a result, authors have made clear that the interval of the travelling wheel of the oxcart is almost same as 1,435 mm (4 ft. 8.5 in.) of the standard gauge of the railway in today.

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In 89 B C, the First Mithridatic War began in Asia Minor between Rome and Pontus It was difficult for either nation to gain a victory without the broad support of the Greek city-states and the native Asians This paper will elucidate the political attitudes of the city-states in Asia Minor to the Roman and Pontic soldiers Attention will be focused on the attitudinal trends of the populations of the cities, and, in particular, the social and political situations deciding these attitudes will be explained With the advance of Pontic army, cities and individuals were pressed to decide whether to support or oppose the anti-Roman uprising led by Mithridates, king of Pontus The widely held belief is that upper class citizens were inclined to support the Romans in order to maintain their privileges while the dominated and exploited lower classes were pro-Mithridatic It would, however, be a mistake to suggest that the entire upper and lower classes determined their respective attitudes by some unanimous consent Indeed, it was difficult for upper class leaders to choose between two great countries such as Rome and Pontus, or to know which would eventually be more favorable for their future prosperity Thus, the only way was to act flexibly in a real political situation An incident at Ephesus was a typical example The Ephesians who had initially supported Mithridates later accused him of being an aggressor when the war began to develop favorably for Rome, and they rose in a revolt against Pontus which then spread to many other cities On the other hand, when the upper class citizens recognized the overwhelming victory of Mithndates, some responded to the situation by becoming anti-Roman Still others watched the changing situation in silence Only the lower class might have been cosistently anti-Roman Mithridates was essentially a despotic monarch and indifferent to the tradition of liberty and autonomy of the Greek city-states He himself embodied a contradiction Had he not been a tyrant, he would not have been able to take command of a great war against Rome Yet, as a tyrant, he could not deny his exploitation of the cities and the Asian people Only when he pursued the cities' interest and covered up his essential despotic nature did both the upper and lower class citizens support him and rush into the anti-Roman movement And yet, when the situation changed again and Mithridates' true nature showed itself, these same cities were compelled to leave him In this way, the attitudes of the cities, representing the collective will of the upper and the lower classes, responded to his contradictory nature

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Until now, authors investigated the structure of oxcart of Ephesus Museum in the first paper. And in the second paper, authors made clear the function of wheels and axel bearings which were found at local town Dinar. It was made clear that wheels of oxcart were fixed on an axle, and the axle was in contact with axle bearings directly. At first, authors thought that the structure exists only in the south-western part in Turkey. However, during investigations in north-west part of Turkey, the same bearing system was seen to an ancient two-wheeled truck having a long shaft which was discovered in a local town Edremit. The wheels had the same structure in comparison with reported results formerly too. In this third paper, The authors consider the ancient truck structure and bearing system based on the approximately decided figures derived from photographs taken.

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Before the Second World War, the birth of coinage in Asia Minor was generally placed at the beginning or in the first half of the seventh century B.C. But in 1951, E.S.G. Robinson, by reconsidering the coins (together with dumps immediately preceding them) found at the Ephesian Artemisium in 1904-5, insisted that coinage can hardly have begun in Asia Minor much earlier than about 630 B.C. Since then many scholars have accepted his opinion. In 1959, however, N.G.L. Hammond criticized this 'recent opinion', and put the first appearance of coins in Asia Minor in c. 687-77 B.C. on the strength of several pieces of evidence. I. Archaeological evidence. A. The coins and dumps from the Artemisium at Ephesus must have been coeval with other finds from it (700-590 B.C.). B. Two vases from Khaniale Tekke in Crete contained gold and silver dumps along with other objects (c. 800-650 B.C.). C. At Perachora the supposed dedication of an iron drachma which was demonetized as the result of the introduction of coinage at Corinth is dated to a time before 650-40 B.C., being judged from the unearthed stone with the dedicatory inscription. II. Literary evidence. A. Hermodike, a wife of Midas, struck coins (Heraclides Ponticus 11, 3). B. The gold coins of Gyges were held in high repute (Pollux 3,87; 7, 98). C. The first coinage of the Greek mainland was struck at Aegina by Pheidon of Argos (Strabo 358, 376; Marmor Parium 30; Etymologicum Magnum 613), who is said to have been contemporary with Gyges. Upon these I remark as follows. I.A, II. A,B are easily refuted. In his more recent study of the vases of I.B, the excavator dates their contents to the seventh century B.C., not c. 800-650 B.C. The Perachora inscription of I.C. may belong to as late as the first half of the sixth century B.C. Moreover, concernig the exact character of the undiscovered 'drachma', nothing decisive can be said. The iron spits found at Argive Heraeum seem to confirm the tradition (Orionis Etymologicum 118), which reports the dedication of the obsolete spits to Hera of Argos by Pheidon. But those spits are not necessarily taken as the tradition goes. There is also some doubt about the credibility of informations on Pheidon's coinage of II. C. Accordingly, Hammond's contention is not strong enough to deny the appropriateness of Robinson's conclusion, which is based on precise numismatical and archaeological research.

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Up to the present, authors surveyed the cart ruts in ruins of the Greece age and the Rome age in Turkey. The places are the western coastal region around the Aegean Sea. Those investigated places were Perge, Hierapolis of Pamukkale, and Efes. The date was August, 1998. The wheels and the chassis of the carriages were mentioned in the investigation results. The carriages in various places by the field survey were thought to be used in the ancient times.

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According to Demosthenes (20.70), Conon was the first man after the Tyrannicides to be voted a bronze statue by the Athenians. His statue was set up during his lifetime in front of the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios in the Agora, the most important public space of democratic Athens. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the historical background of this event, which was a phenomenal breakthrough in the development of Athenian statue culture. The immediate reason for the Athenians to grant such an extraordinary honor to Conon was obviously his contribution to freeing the Athenian allies from the Spartan yoke after his victory at the battle of Cnidus. But it is highly remarkable that the Athenians conferred on him unprecedented honor of erecting his statue, which even such prominent generals as Miltiades or Themistocles could not enjoy during the fifth century BC. What were, then, the general circumstances in which the Athenians formed this critical decision? The following two observations are relevant to this phenomenon. First, the rivalry between Lysander, the Spartan navarch, and Conon must have played an important role in Conon's claim that he deserved such honor. Lysander was responsible for the final victory of Spartans over the Athenians at Aegospotami in 405 and put the Aegean world under Spartan domination. Many statues of Lysander were dedicated in the international sanctuaries such as Olympia and Delphi. It was only natural for Conon, who overturned Lysander's achievement and reestablished Athenian supremacy in the Aegean, to receive similar honor from his native country. Second, there seems to have been a strong local tradition among the Ionian cities to erect statues in order to express gratitude toward their benefactors. Although Pausanias ironically comments that the Ionians merely follow the example of the entire world in paying court to strength (6.3.15), they were happy to erect statues of Lysander in their sanctuaries after Aegospotami and then flatly proceeded to set up that of Conon after Cnidus. It was under the influence of this Ionian tradition that the Athenians reintroduced the custom of erecting statues for politically powerful individuals, which culminated in the early Hellenistic period in response to the diffusion of ruler cults in the wider Greek world.

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Objects from a wreck at Antikythera were discovered and recovered in 1900-01 and further in 1976 The shipwreck can be dated to 70-65 B C The fabrication of the Antikythera Youth (Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv X13396 fig 1-3) is dated to 340-330 B C The bronze has been interpreted variously Victor of a ball game, Perseus showing gorgoneion, Alexandros-Paris showing an apple, or Herakles taking golden apple(s) from a tree in the Hesperides Garden But difficulties remain for each identification the Youth is not represented with any characteristic attribute (such as headgear, weapon, shoes) The proposed interpretations fail to explain why the Youth does not look at the object he has in his right hand (fig 1), nor why he draws back his right free leg, nor the precise motivation of the form of his both hands It is here argued, for the first time, that the Youth is Iason taking the Golden Fleece hung upon a tree The most important comparisons are an Apulian red-figured krater of ca 360 B C (fig 4) and a Paestan red-figured krater of ca 320-310 B C (fig 5) It is presumed that originally the Youth constituted a sculptural group with two other bronzes Reconstruction in the centre stands a tree coiled with the serpent Ladon, and on a tree branch extending toward the (our) right hangs the Golden Fleece (see fig 4, 5, 6), probably gilt On the right side of the tree, diagonally a little in front of it, stands lason with a sword or spear in his left hand, pulling the Golden Fleece with his right, and looking at Medeia, who stands on the left side of the tree offering, with her left hand, a phiale filled with magic sleeping potion toward the stretched head of the serpent (for her pose see fig 5 and the mirror image of Piraeus Artemis A, fig 7) The eyes of Iason and Medeia directed toward each other constitute the base of the isosceles triangle, the vertex of which is the tree, and close the sculptural space A female left hand from the Antikythera wreck (inv X15095 fig 8), wearing a ring on the ring finger, has a hole on the palm, where a phiale or other object was probably fixed with a stud If projected scientific analyses of the bronze alloy and the core material coincide with those of the Youth/Iason, the hand may have belonged to his Medeia Thus interpreting the Youth, we can appreciate Praxitelean principles in the group the tree used as an indispensable element (Apollon Sanroktonos), the filling of the space by the direction of eyes (Satyros pouring wine), and the movement to draw garments with a hand (a version of Knidia) On the other hand, other elements are ascribed to Lysippos, such as the relatively small head, muscular expressions, and the motif of shifting the weight from one leg on the other (Apoxyotnenos)

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Since a copy of De Witt's sketch of The Swan, an Elizabethan playhouse, was discovered in 1888, Shakespearean scholars have cast inquiring eyes at the original playhouses and staging. Walter Hodges is one of the distinguished scholars in this field of study, who published The Globe Restored (1953) and Enter the Whole Army-A Pictorial Study of Shakespearean Staging 1576-1616 (1998), both being illuminating books. However, he rarely interprets the Elizabethan stage and players' action on stage symbolically and iconologically. He limits his study mainly to stage characteristics and staging of the day. In the 1980's, David Bevington, Jean E. Howard and Allan Dessen especially, extended their explorations to include Shakespearean staging, action and language in the light of their interaction or orchestration. In short, their interest shifts from page to stage and to the audience's responses of the day. In this paper, I intend to examine Shakespearean stagecraft in a similar way. Here in this resume some scenes are taken from Richard III for examples. In the opening of 4.2, Richard ascends the throne with contented steps, supported by Buckingham, a scene which evokes a memorable moment of Richard who has finally made the zenith of temporal power. Towards the end of the same scene, Buckingham, his right-hand man, incurs his displeasure for his insistent begging of "reward for his deep services." With the cold remark "I am not in the giving vein to-day", the king leaves Buckingham alone in the hall, all the others exeunt. This scene visualizes Buckingham's moment of downfall and total isolation. At the beginning of 5.4, the king runs onstage with a limp, shouting desperately, "A horse! A horse! My kingdom for a horse!" Here the verbal and the visual cooperate for gaining most impressive theatrical effects. The king fallen down from the royal horse symbolizes his disgrace and downfall from the throne. His horse serves as a substitute for the throne. Hence, stage images (his throne and a slain horse) are thematically interwoven. Shakespeare's plays on stage were not at all restricted to his written word. Non-verbal language like gestures, postures, stage silences, stage grouping, theatrical space, music and other sound devices, stage costumes and properties as well as unique features of the Elizabethan stage, must have contributed greatly to the symbolic world of Shakespeare's plays.

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Through the analysis of the religious functions, this study tries to examine the social position of the church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, which is now lost to us. Many litereatures consider, this church should be dedicated to the Apostles. But the analysis of "Typikon of the Great Church", the liturgical source of the 10th century, eveals the strong ties between the reliques of the saints, which stored in this church, and their memorial feasts, for example St. Luke, St. Andrew and St. Timothy or some important bishops such as John Chrysostome and Gregory Nazianze. Against the precedent studies, the hierarchy of the saints does not play important roll.

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