Since 377 B.C., foreign policy of Athens was pursued on the basis of her Second Sea-League and failed by the defeat of the Social War in 355 B.C.. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Athenian politics and diplomacy in this period through the concept of political groups, and to locate them in the Greek political history in the first half of the fourth century B.C.. In Athens, in this period, there were three political groups whose leaders were Kallistratos, Timotheos, and Aristophon respectively. Kallistratos-group pursued the dual hegemony policy of Athens-Sparta, and maintained the friendly relations with Sparta even after Athenian sea-hegemony was recovered. But Spartan defeat in the battle of Leuctra and the rise of Thebes destroyed the ground of this policy, and brought about the downfall of Kallistratos. Then both Timotheos and Aristophon-groups positively promoted the expansion policy of sea-hegemony after mid-360's, which caused the transformation of the Sea-League into the type of the Empire in the fifth century B.C.. The struggle for leadership between these two groups resulted in the triumph of Aristophon-group. But this expansion policy also failed by the defeat of the Social War in 355 B.C.. By the way, it was King's Peace concluded in 386 B.C. which formed the framework for Greek politics in the first half of the fourth century B.C.. King's Peace was a treaty in which all Greek cities took part under the authority of Persian King, and guaranteed the freedom and autonomy of each city. Kallistratos-group built the Sea-League in conformity with King's Peace and maintained Athenian sea-hegemony within its framework. Then in 360's, Persian Empire was weakened by inner rebellions and Great King lost his authority over Greece. It was this change of the balance of power between Greece and Persia which enabled Timotheos- and Aristophon-groups to carry out the expansion policy beyond the framework of King's Peace and to recover the Empire. In result, political groups of Athens in the first half of the fourth century conflicted with each other for leadership concerning the sea-hegemony which was essential to the existence of Athens. And the political situation in Greece, especially the relations with Persia, together with this political situation in Athens, gave a direct impact on the recovery of the Athenian Empire.

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From the late fifth century, those who participated regularly in politics as quasi-professional politicians mamly came from wealthy families This was because politicians received no remuneration for their 'active political activities', such as moving decrees and bringing accusations, and they could not engage in their own work themselves while they were engaged in these political activities Moreover they were required to perform liturgies and sometimes faced the danger of being prosecuted by their political rivals and being heavily fined In addition to these economic aspects, those who belonged to the upper class had an advantage with regard to political knowledge and information Only in exceptional cases did men from the middle or lower class have any chance to learn rhetorical skill, for getting a rhetorical education required considerable expense It also cost money to get a speech written by a logographer Other fields of political knowledge and information (e g news on foreign affairs, knowledge about finance) were also nearly concentrated in the hands of those who were constantly engaged in politics or had access to the necessary resources, that is, men from a rich family or from a family of influence traditionally Despite these circumstances, however, some sources show that not a few citizens from the middle or lower class did some active political activities Some acted regularly, others occasionally How could they become active in politics ? Many of them had some relations with the wealthy citizens or the political leaders They took part in political activities through what's called 'patronage' They could get economic and political support from their patrons And then they performed active political activities reciprocally for their patrons Besides they could get necessary information and knowledge about their political activities from their patrons without leaving their own work for a long time In some cases, the Athenian citizens recognized them as politicians on the basis of their patron's influence Thus it was patronage that enabled and prompted citizens from the middle or lower class to be active, even if occasionally, in the politics of the Athenian democracy, where economic constraints and the concentration of political knowledge and information ensured that quasi-professional politicians played central roles According to M H Hansen, in addition to the political leaders, there was an important group of politically minded citizens who were active, even to the extent of proposing decrees, but not regularly And these citizens amounted to some 300-600 at any given meeting of the ecclesia If the circumstances under which the patronage was employed are taken into account, it is possible to guess that most of the group might be consisted of citizens from the middle or lower class Then much more citizens from the middle or lower class might be engaged in the active political activities, if only occasionally, through patronage than usually believed

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The Harpalus affair was a crisis which involved many prominent Athenians and caused the exile of Demosthenes, in connection with money embezzled by Harpalus, Alexander's imperial treasurer, who sought refuge in Athens in 324 B. C. In previous studies, it has been generally assumed that the confrontation of political groups over policy toward Macedon was a fundamental element of Athenian politics during the reign of Alexander. Regarding the Harpalus affair, the arguments have centered upon a political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians. This paper attempts to analyze the Harpalus affair, focusing on an examination of the alleged political confrontation among the anti-Macedonians, in order to shed some light on Athenian politics during this period. It examines (1) the Athenian political situation surrounding the Harpalus affair, (2) the alleged political confrontation between Hypereides and Demosthenes, and (3) other prosecutors and defendants in the trials arising out of the affair. In conclusion, the author refutes the picture of political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians in the affair. The Harpalus affair, which involved various personal confrontations, is a good example to show unsoundness in grasping Athenian politics during this period within a simple scheme of political confrontation dominated by Macedonian issues. It would be possible to assume that within the context of the good state of relations between Macedon and Athens under the Pax Macedonica, personal confrontation among politicians often played a more important role than political confrontation over the Macedonian question and was a dominant factor in Athenian politics of this period.

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シシリア訪問ののち幾年かへて,ピンダロスはアクラガスに佳む親友トラシュブーロスにあてた一詩を,書樂家ニケーシッポスに託して送りとどけた.この詩が後に言われるイストミア第二詩である.これは,ピンダロスの他の數篇の詩とおなじく,詩の形式をかりた一種の書簡であつたらしい.その最初の十三行に,一見,詩の本體とは緊密な關連をもつておらず,獨立した序詞の形をなしている.ここで詩人は,古今のミューズを著しい對照に描きわけ,華やかな感情の高揚に詩情をゆだねた昔のミューズに對して,現實的な窮乏に追われている今の詩人たちの姿を明確に捕えている.この一節は古くから,さまざまの意味に解されて引用されているが,ある古註作者は,ピンダロスが當時の詩入たち,とりわけ,シモニデスの拝金主義的な詩作態度に對して放つた,辛辣な批到の言葉であると解釋する.またある人は,詩人が自分のパトロンであるトラシュブーロスにむかつて,娩曲に詩作の報酬を求めているのだと,意地悪い見解を示している.しかし,ピンダロスの言葉をいますこしく檢討してみれば明らかとなるように,詩人が古今のモイサ像によせて傳えんとした意味は,言われるように單純な人身攻撃や,卑屈な代償の催促ではなかつたように思われる.彼の意圖が何であつたかについては,様々の互に矛盾した解釋があるが,それらを逐一調べることによつて,彼の時代の性質と,彼の詩人としての立場のむつかしさについて,多少なりと知ることができると思う.そして最後に,二つのモイサ像にこめられた作者の意圖について,一貫性のある解釋を下すことができれば,誠に幸である.

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When we examine Isokrates' writings as historical materials for the socialeconomic situation in Greece in the fourth century B. C, the most important problem to explain is, I think, the effect of the aggravation of poverty on the progress of the mercenary system. In this paper I attempt to glance at the position of the mercenary problem in Isokrates' social view through analyzing his main political discourses in chronological order. I owe very much to L. P. Marinovich's recent work(Л. П. Маринович, Греческое наемничество IV в. до н. э. и кризис полиса, Москва 1975). Through this analysis three major elements which constitute Isokrates' social view are extracted : disintegration of the property relations within the polis through the internal strife, the alarming growth of the roving population(πλανωμενοι)who had been forced to leave their homes because of their poverty, and the necessity of the large-scale colonization in order to defend the interests of the haves against the have-nots. Evolution of all these elements in Isokrates' conception was organically associated with the progress of the mercenary system in the fourth century B.C. In Panegyrikos, written in 380 B. C, all the references to the mercenaries were only used as a means to persuade the necessity of the expedition to Persia. The significance that Isokrates gave to the economic factor in relation to mercenaries is not definite(146, 168) , and there was no accurate reference to the colonization of the poor. Therefore we can not ascertain Isokrates' attitude towards the mercenaries at this stage. Then in Peri Eirenes, written ca. 355 B. C, Isokrates first exhibited the concrete design for the colonization in Thrace and showed some concern about the circumstances of the roving men(24). But this theme was not developed any more in this discourse, so we can only find here a mere clue to the connection between colonization and mercenaries. Finally, ten years later in Philippos, written in the period when the Greek mercenary system attained the acme of development in the pre-Hellenistic age, the growth of the roving men was directly connected with the remarkable increase of mercenaries(96), and further the necessity to remove these roaming bands of mercenaries developed into the very aim of the expedition to Asia(120-123). Thus the mercenaries became one of the major themes of Isokrates' late discourses, as they gave rise to the serious social problem that would need an immediate solution. The social character of mercenaries changed. They were getting the extremely dangerous force to the polis (participation in the social strife, connexion with the new tyrant). In the fact that Isokrates reacted to the mercenaries not only with scorn or reproach, but with an intense fear, we can find the distinct reflection of one aspect of the social-economic situation in the fourth century B. C.

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