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  • 釘宮 明美
    日本の神学
    2018年 57 巻 210-216
    発行日: 2018/09/25
    公開日: 2020/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 永井 博, 林 知己夫
    科学基礎論研究
    1977年 13 巻 2 号 41-44
    発行日: 1977/04/25
    公開日: 2009/09/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高瀬 弘一郎
    社会経済史学
    1975年 41 巻 2 号 105-130,210
    発行日: 1975/07/30
    公開日: 2017/07/22
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    In the age of early Christianity in Japan the Society of Jesus had a procurador, father procurator who occupied himself with financial affairs. Clarifying the functions of the procurador would be one of the ways to understand the actual activities of the Christian mission in Japan. The procuradores of the Socidty of Jesus in Japan were appointed not only in Japan but also in Macao, Malacca, Goa, Lisbon and Madrid, and the one at Nagasaki is treated in this article. At first an effort is made to specify the names of the procradores and the dates of their taking and leaving the office. Next I treat the principal tasks imposed upon the procurador at Nagasaki, referring largely to the document, among some otihers, entitled "Regras do procurador de Japao", ("The regulations of the Procurador of Japan") made by the father visitor Alessandor Valignano in 1591 and revised and enlarged later by his successor Francisco Pasio. The procurador's tasks contained not only such ordinary businesses as providing and supplying money and necessaries, keeping books, etc., but also those which required more economic insights. Attending to the balance of accounts, he had to make an effort to increase the resources of the Society of Jesus in Japan, and he managed the trade which was one of the most important sources of income. Moreover, he acted as an intermediary for the Japanese trade with Macao. In addition he took a considerable part in determining the pancada, price at which the Portuguese merchants sold silk at Nagasaki. Especially the last two tasks mentioned above were completely external ones, and they indicates that the Christian missionaries had a deep relation to the Portuguese commerical activities. It can be said that such way of the Jesuit missionary works in Japan, in which the trade was involved in the activities of Church, was manifested intensively in the tasks of the procurador.
  • 木村 可奈子
    史学雑誌
    2015年 124 巻 1 号 1-39
    発行日: 2015/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines according to what information and for what reasons Japan attempted to set up a system for capturing suspicious foreign ships shipwrecked in Korean waters and the manner in which Joseon, which accepted the arrangement, implemented those transfer requests and disposed of the ships, within the context of its relations with Qing China and Japan. After its prohibition of Christianity and in the aftermath of the Jesuit Infiltration Plots of 1642 and 43, Japan requested that in the case of any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters, Joseon divert them to Japan House (J: Wakan/K: Waegwan 倭館) in Pusan for transfer to Japan. From testimony given by Jesuit missionaries apprehended in the Infiltration Plots, the Japanese authorities were cognizant of the possibility that more missionaries would launch similar attempts from Korean shores and were thus on the alert. In order to maintain friendly relations between the two countries, Joseon accepted Japan's request, replying that it would divert all suspicious vessels to Japan House. The ships of Ming Dynasty subjects were frequently cast adrift upon Korean shores, and in the midst of the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, Joseon as a tributary of Qing was obligated to return Ming subjects to the Qing authorities, which opened the possibility that those people would be executed upon their arrival in Qing China. Upon the shipwreck of a Ming vessel in 1644, Joseon, which was thankful to the Ming Dynasty for defending her from Japanese invasion and felt obligated to help Ming subjects, tried to save the survivors by sending them to Japan under the pretense that they were possible Christian adherents. Pleased with Joseon's response, Japan requested that any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters would continue to be diverted to Japan House. However, when the next Ming shipwreck occurred, a Qing Dynasty envoy happened to be visting Joseon, making it, impossible to transfer survivors to Japan without drawing the attention of the Qing envoy. On that occasion Joseon King Injo decided to confer with the envoy about how to deal with Ming survivors. Although the consultation did not take place due to the surrender of the Ming subjects to Qing authorities, Qing Dynasty, wary of the military alliance formed between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, forbade Joseon from sending Ming subjects to Japan. At the same time, Joseon reported to the Qing Dynasty the fact of Japan's request for the diversion of suspicious ships, as well as the dispatch of Ming envoys to Japan in search of military assistance, emphasizing a Japanese threat to Qing security, all in the hope of gaining such concessions as exemptions from Qing-imposed rice and maritime corvee duties, the lifting of prohibitions on the building and repair of military fortifications and the resumption of army training. Although Joseon's plan was initially successful, upon the enthronement of Joseon King Hyojong, Qing China reprimanded Joseon for citing a Japanese threat as an excuse for remilitarization. Consequently, fearing the anger of Qing China, Joseon proceeded to return all shipwrecked Ming subjects (with some exceptions) to the Qing authorities. Nevertheless, the debate continued within Joseon on the strength of strong anti-Qing sentiment as to whether or not to send shipwrecked Ming subjects to Japan as suspected Christian adherents.
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