There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.
The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.
The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.
In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.
What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.

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本稿は、「フーリガニズム」以降のカルチュラル・スタディーズにおけるサッカー研究が、サッカーと集合的アイデンティティとの関係をどのように考察しているかを概観し、そうした問題意識が西洋のクラブチームだけでなく日本におけるナショナルチームについても重要な分析の視点を提供することを論じる。レスター派を中心とするフーリガン研究との論争からカルチュラル・スタディーズのサッカー研究は、特に労働者階級のファンたちが文化的アイデンティティを構築するときの媒介としてサッカーを捉えてきた。そして彼らは、サッカーが一次的なカーニバレスクをファンに提供し、またそこで育まれる文化が資本主義社会や管理社会の対抗文化になりうるとした。カルチュラル・スタディーズはそのようなファンの自己同一化のあり方を、ブロンバーガーの「集合的イマジナリー」という概念によって説明した。これはプレースタイルが核となってファンの人々が心に抱き、それに同一化する「わがチーム」のイメージである。しかし、そうした「わがチーム」への自己同一化は、同時に複雑な人種的・国民的な包括と排除のプロセスを含んだ節合形態として認識されなければならない。つまり「集合的イマジナリー」にはすでに特定の人種的・国民的枠組みが書き込まれているのである。カルチュラル・スタディーズのサッカー研究が提示したこの視点は、日本の社会状況を分析するときにも有効である。2002年ワールドカップにおけるナショナルチームを表象するメディアは自己や他者に対するステレオタイプ化されたイメージを流通させたが、この視点にしたがえば、それによって身体的・人種的に特定化され固定化された「日本人であること」の集合的イマジナリーが構築され、ある特定の身体図式が「日本人であること」としてファン (日本国民) の文化的アイデンティティ形成に関与したのではないかと考えられる。

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This paper argues the issue of female migrant workers who have been remarkable under the globalization, particularly paying attention to the condition of Filipino women, because the Republic of Philippines has been systematizing and promoting the exportation of manpower, and sending many Filipino female domestic workers to developed areas in Asia, the Middle East, and other western countries. However, Japan excludes domestic workers selectively through its strict immigration policy. As result, a great number of Filipino females who come to Japan are only entertainers like dancers and singers. In this context, Japan is unique compared with other countries. Most entertainers work at Philippine Pubs in different cities all over Japan. Therefore, the unique urban nightscapes of Philippine Pubs are built in local urban spaces.
I explored the politics of space of Philippine Pubs, which is an important component of local urban space, and the politics of positioning Filipino female entertainers who work there, through a case study of Sakae Walk Street where many Philippine Pubs are located in Nagoya City.
First, my study showed that the present location of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street used to be an entertainment area (Snack town) in the outskirt of downtown Sakae District. With the decline of this area, Philippine Pubs, where cheaper and younger entertainers are a main character, started to mushroom and eventually replaced the old entertainment town.
Second, my study revealed that two agents concerning the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street have respectively constructed each representations of 'ethnicity' of the entertainers. Employers and talent agencies have constructed this 'ethnicity' showing imaginative geographies of exotic, sexual and southern countries, through the formation of space, particularly aspects of landscape-appearance, standing signboards, advertising boards-. Immigration/police have doubly constructed 'ethnicity' as 'victims' or 'wrongdoers' through the formation of space of control against this space of Philippine Pubs by executing the surveillance and exposure activities around Ikeda Park. Local inhabitants in Sakae Walk Street also support these activities.
In conclusion, I hope to suggest that the politics of the formation of local space of Philippine Pubs, being mutually compositional with the politics of the social construction of representations about 'ethnicity', is one of the processes of othering entertainer. And also, the spaces, which two above-mentioned agents have formed, are mutually negotiative rather than parallel. This makes the politics of the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs and also the process of othering entertainers multidimensional.

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