In 1921, motor-sailer Ohtori-maru, a wooden 164-tonner of the Fisheries Agency, Agriculture and Commerce Department of Japan, was sent to Kamchatka and Bering Sea for a resource investigation. After the voyage a photographic album was compiled of photographs (black and white) taken by researcher and ship crew for the memorial of this 1921-voyage. Although there is no information on the number of albums that were made, it seems that the same albums were distributed to concerned parties including the ship crew. The author has paid notice to one of these albums which belongs to the collection of the Hakodate City Museum. Fortunately one of these albums was donated to our museum this year. Ohtori-maru ship left the harbor of Tokyo on June 11th with 8 researchers and 24 crew members on board and then returned to the home port on October 12th. During this voyage Ohtori-maru ship called at many places such as Petropavlovsk, Commander Islands and also along the eastern coast of Kamchatka to Chukchi Peninsula, Zhupanova, Ust-Kamchatsk, Uka, Ossora, Korf, Apuka, Olyutor, Glybokaya Bay, Dezinev Bay, Moynypil'gyn, U gol'naya bay, Anadyr, Provideniya, Chaplino, St. Lawrence Bay, Dezhnev and Uelen. The album has 115 photographs taken in many anchorage sites. Ethnic groups of these photos are the Aleut, Kamchadal/Itelmen, Koryak, presumably Kerek, Chukchi and Siberia Eskimo, and includes various scenes such as a fishing camp life, tent dwellings, fishing hut balagan, settlements, dugout canoes, skin-covered boats and a dog sled. I would like to examine closely all aspects of this album taking advantage of the donation of this album in the near future. In this paper I would consider the significance of this album as ethnographies of Kamchatka and Chukotska. I think that it would be necessary to conduct a joint international research on this album in the future.

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This paper is based on the research on ethnological concerns for indigenous people of Kamchatka since 1997 (Table 1). The author realized the great significance of further research because of the commonness between the information on the modem Koryak subsistence-culture from my initial infom1ant with the great ethnographies by Stepan P. Krasheninnikov (Krasheninnikov 1972) and Waldemar Jochelson Gochelson 1975). The ethnological issues such as cultural characteristics, historical change, culture contacts, political and economic influence are also common indigenous incidents noted in my previous papers. Furthermore, another problem generated among the indigenous society under the Soviet regime. After the establishment of the regime, indigenous people were forced to join the socialist economy system and to relocate from traditional settlements to new villages. They were damaged mentally by the multi-relocations associated with the reorganization of settlements. They also had contact with Russians, furriers and other merchants since the conquest by the Cossack troops. Then they experienced new contacts with the Japanese after the salmon fishery was opened to the Japanese. Salmons of Kamchatka that grew up to a global resource in place of fur skin attracted the Japanese fishery in the late 19th century. Indigenous people and the Japanese who came to Kamchatka seasonally in great numbers for salmon fishery had various contacts with each other. After the perestroika, almost all of the indigenous people lost their jobs in the socialist economy organizations and were forced to rely on their former subsistence to some extent. At the same time, Kamchatka which was closed to foreigners opened up. Recently ethno・tourism is increasing in Kamchatka where tourists can experience the indigenous culture through an traditional settlement rebuilt as an “ indigenous settlement ”. In this paper I would like to summarize the main points for understanding the indigenous society of Kamchatka such as traditional subsistence and its transition, reindeer-herding, relations between indigenous society and the state system like politics and economy.

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