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  • 平成23年3月21日-24日バージニア州ハーンドンにて
    カフマン 政子
    医療機器学
    2011年 81 巻 3 号 243-249
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/08/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ー平成24年3月20-21日, バージニア州ハーンドン市にてー
    カフマン 政子
    医療機器学
    2012年 82 巻 3 号 296-301
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2012/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1931年 43 巻 12 号 724
    発行日: 1931/12/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1931年 43 巻 12 号 723-724
    発行日: 1931/12/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1931年 43 巻 12 号 724a-725
    発行日: 1931/12/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 悟
    アジア民族文化研究
    2021年 20 巻 19-40
    発行日: 2021/03/31
    公開日: 2024/05/01
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

     タイ王国北部にはソー(so)という掛け合い歌の職能芸能があり、現在も歌師たちは仏教儀礼や冠婚葬祭に招かれて芸を披露している。本稿はソー芸能がどのような試行錯誤によって現在まで職能芸能として継承されてきたのか、チェンマイ県ビーソー伝承協会発足の前後の芸能実践に着目し、生じた変化の特徴を考察した。協会発足以前のソー芸能はグループごとに歌師らの囲い込みが起きており、相互の交流や連携が停滞し、また従来の徒弟制度の伝承形態も崩壊していた。この問題を解決するために、伝承協会は師の精霊を合同で祭祀するコミュニティを組織化して歌師たちの交流を促進した。合同儀礼の実施は副次的に伝承の場として機能した。歌師たちは相互連携を深め、徒弟制度の種々の慣例を変え、文字テクストや複製メディアを利用して歌詞を共有化し、芸能実践の革新に成功した。

  • ―ブラジルの事例を中心に―
    鈴木 茂
    ラテンアメリカ研究年報
    2022年 42 巻 77-101
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/11/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 山口 房司
    西洋史学
    1967年 75 巻 56-
    発行日: 1967年
    公開日: 2022/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • カフマン 政子
    医療機器学
    2014年 84 巻 4 号 495-502
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山岳少数民族の教育機会とエスニシティ
    植田 啓嗣
    国際教育
    2020年 26 巻 55-72
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2022/03/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
      This paper attempts to analyze the role of Buddhist schools, one of the secondary educational institutions in Thailand, from the perspective of educational opportunities for hill tribes and problems of their ethnicity associated with the national integrated education.   This paper addresses three issues. The first is what kind of students Buddhist schools accept, while the second is the purpose students attending Buddhist schools have in terms of Buddhism and Buddhist schools. By analyzing these two issues, we can clarify the roles of Buddhist schools. The third issue examines matters of the ethnicity of hill tribe students attending Buddhist schools in relation to Lak Thai, the national integrated education system. Particularly, the impact of the negative effects of education at Buddhist schools are examined from the perspective of “multiculturalism.”   For the study on which this paper is based, the author conducted a questionnaire survey on students at four Buddhist schools in Chiang Mai Province, Thailand in February, 2020.   The following are the results on the first issue. About 60% of students attending the four Buddhist schools surveyed were from hill tribes. It was found that the parents of many of these students did not have sufficient educational opportunities. In addition, it was found that students from hill tribes tend to enter Buddhist schools later than the standard age, as compared to members of the Thai ethnic majority. From these findings, it can be said that Buddhist schools have a role in providing educational opportunities for 72 hill tribes.   Regarding the second issue, it was found that about 70% of students attending Buddhist schools did not intend to become monks in the future. Interviews with a teacher at Buddhist schools also revealed that the percentage of students who became monks after adulthood was unknown, but not high. Although the majority of the student's parents were Buddhists, some Karen might be Christians. Since there were few students who entered study with a motivation to become monks, it was likely that they joined Buddhist schools to seek secondary educational opportunities. However, students tended to be interested in Buddhism before entering Buddhist schools. This means that Buddhism has permeated the community among hill tribes.    In terms of the third issue, it was found that the majority of students from hill tribes had a composite “ethnic” and “Thai” identity. It became clear that students of hill tribes at the Buddhist school had a strong ethnic identity. The majority of students also respected the “King” and “monks”, which are the symbols of Lak Thai. This means that students of hill tribes were influenced by the national integrated education. It was also found that while hill tribe students used Thai in the school, they used ethnic languages at home.
  • —A.S.ニイルの思想受容の意味—
    岩田 弘志
    アメリカ教育学会紀要
    2015年 26 巻 24-36
    発行日: 2015/10/30
    公開日: 2023/01/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    Free school movement of the 1960s shifted to alternative school movement from the second half of the 1970s. A certain researcher says that free school movement once declined at that time. On the other hand, a certain researcher says that free school movement was expansively inherited by alternative school movement.

    What did free school movement inherit from the educational thought of Neill? And I considered what was inherited from free school movement to alternative school movement. The purpose of this research was to solve what happened, when shifting from free school movement to alternative school movement.

    After free school movement declined, did alternative school movement arise? Or did free school movement develop expansively to alternative school movement?

    I mentioned two special features which free school movement inherited from Neill.

    The 1st is anti-power and anti-public education thought. The 2nd is the education of release and self-government. With the progress of free school movement, anti-public education thought was changed when free school educators overcame such thought.

    It is becoming difficult to find out adversary relationship between alternative school movement and public education in recent years. The trend which an alternative school contributes to public education is seen. On the other hand, the trend which is going to take place in alternative education to public education at the administration side is also seen.

    If the essence of free school movement is a part of the counterculture, I can say that free school movement disappeared in the 1970s. However, I think as follows. The essence of the education of Neill is securing freedom of the child and cultivating sociality. I think that the excessive organization criticism by Neill was only a means to protect a child from all the oppression.

    I think that free school movement is not on the decline.

    It is because the education of release and self-government was expansively inherited by alternative school movement.

    There were the following ideas in the classic free school since Neill. -- "a teacher center" versus "a child center", "an intellectual training" versus "release of a sentiment", and "control" versus "freedom". The idea of alternative education is redefined on a different level from it. That is, alternative education is shifting to the holistic thought which grasps all the phenomena by wholeness.

    In fact, Neill released the child from oppression by regarding a teacher and a child as an equivalent personality. Moreover, by building the flat relationship of an adult and a child, Neill successfuly made the self-government community by the child itself. That is, I think that Neill’s thought developed to the holistic thought of alternative education.

    In other words, I can say that the starting point of holistic educational philosophy was in practice of Summerhill’s self-government community.

  • 成田 豊二
    燃料協会誌
    1931年 10 巻 11 号 1273-1289
    発行日: 1931年
    公開日: 2011/10/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    航空機用發動機としては從來專らガソリン發動機を使用し來りしが、之をディーセル發動機にて置換ふる時は燃料の火災の危険を除去し、燃料消費量を減じ得る外種々の利益有り、依て世界各國に於ては競ふて此種發動機の研究を進め、既に實用の域に達せんとするもの二、三あり、演者は該發動機の一般に就て説明し、世界各國の研究現状に就て述べんとす
  • 木村 秀政
    日本航空学会誌
    1954年 2 巻 6 号 122-135
    発行日: 1954/03/31
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 村嶋 英治
    アジア太平洋討究
    2022年 45 巻 1-43
    発行日: 2022/12/23
    公開日: 2022/12/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    This article attempts to provide as much detail as possible about the background, process, and end of Khruba Srivichai’s second house arrest in Bangkok (November 1935–May 1936), while clearly indicating the sources of the documents. Most of the articles related to Srivichai in The Srikrung Daily News and Krungdeb Varasab Daily News, two Thai-language daily newspapers, used in this study have not been cited in existing studies.

    For more than six months, from early November 1935 to mid-May 1936, Khruba Srivichai was recalled to Bangkok, far from Chiang Mai, and placed under house arrest at Wat Benchamabophit by the existing Sangha. During this period, in Northern Thailand (Phayap Region), where Srivichai was no longer in existence, the existing Sangha thoroughly suppressed Srivichai sect’s temples and ordained monks who had broken away from the existing Sangha and tried to follow the “ancient customs” with Srivichai as the head of the sect. The existing Sanga also forced Srivichai in Bangkok to sign a written pledge to abide by the Sangha’s Governing Law and the Sangha’s rules and regulations.

    As a result, the Srivichai sect temples in Northern Thailand (937 Buddhist temples existed in Chiang Mai Province in 1935, of which about 90 temples belonged to the Srivichai sect) and their monks were extinguished, and Srivichai was completely bound hand and foot, making it impossible for him to act independently of the existing Sangha after that.

    Srivichai and his disciples belonged to the existing Sangha until 1934. It was around April 1935, when the Doi Suthep mountain road, which Srivichai had proposed to construct, was nearing completion, that Srivichai sect became clearly independent from the existing Sangha. The enthusiastic devotion to Srivichai shown by many people in Northern Thailand during the construction of this road must have given the Srivichai sect a great deal of confidence in their ability to break away from the Sangha and become independent.

    After the 1932 Constitutional Revolution, the People’s Party, which came to power in 1932, made the spread of primary education one of its major policies and opened private primary schools (Prachaban schools) throughout the country to provide uniform education in standard Thai language. Standard Thai texts were also used in the education of monks, novices and others by the Sangha. This was a cultural invasion and forced Thaification of Northern Thailand, which had its own Lanna Thai script and language by Bangkok. This was unacceptable to the Srivichai people, who valued the “ancient customs” of the Lanna Thai.

    The suppression of the Srivichai sect was carried out in cold blood by the existing Sangha’s bureaucratic elite, most notably Somdet Phra Phutthakhosachan (Charoen Yanawaro, 1872–1951), head of the Supreme Sangha Council, and Phrathamkosachan (Plot Kittisophano 1889–1962,the Supreme Patriarch of Thailand from 1960 to 1962), a member of the Supreme Sangha Council and head of the Phayap Regional Sangha. On the other hand, the secular government cooperated to some extent with the Sangha elite’s suppression of the Srivichai sect, but not as forcefully as the Sangha. The Sangha belonged to the Ministry of Education, which could consult with and advise the Sangha but did not have the final authority to command and control it.

    Whether the Sangha or the secular authorities, the basis for their suppression of the Srivichai sect is probably the traditional principle that, while freedom of religion is allowed in Thailand, Buddhism, in particular, must be the State Religion with the King as its patron, and therefore the Sangha must be a single entity.

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

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