The demarche made by the pope and his ambassadors, the papal legates, concerning Southern France can not be totally explained under the current historical notions as a measure to oppose the heresies of the time. Their intention was rather to consciously "work for peace and faith" (negotium pacis et fidei). This conception was formed in the late 12^<th> century on the basis of a Peace of God, or Truce of God, which flourished from the 10^<th> to 11^<th> centuries. According to this conception, heresy was to be classed among the attackers of Christian peace; and political rulers were required to purge heretics as the enemies of Peace. During this period, the pope, in opposition to the emperor, aimed to put Provence under his influence. Montpellier, allied with the papacy since the 11^<th> century, was the "starting point" of this project. Consequently, the purpose of papal legates, Peter of Castelnau and Milon, was to realize this religious-political objective in Southern France, demanding its rulers to take an oath of collaboration. However, this new conception, implying fidelity of these rulers to the pope, was so different from the local tranditional peace-keeping system that groups arose that rejected the oath on the one hand, and took it, on the other.

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Peter the Venerable, 9th abbot of Cluny, facing the chronic crisis of domestic economy caused by excessive dependence on the use of money, came to adopt a system of mesatica per decanias, i.e. a rota system by which eighteen manorial centers, called decania, assumed the task of provisioning the monastery during a certain length of time. It aimed at rational running of estates and intensification of direct exploitation. In 1155-1156, the abbot wishing to reorganize the system of mesatica made commissioners draw up a complete Inventory concerning profits of each manor with the aid of Henri de Blois, bishop of Winchester. There remain only twelve Inventories handed down to us. We can make use of them to elucidate the structure of the manorial system of Cluny in the midst of the twelfth century. Surveying the catalogs of income from twelve manors, we can deduce the following conclusions. There are three kinds of resources. The profits obtained from peasant-holdings are mainly composed of money income, and are relatively small and fixed. We can find everywhere the conversion of labour services and renders in kind into fixed dues. Second, the profits from parish churches and from banalite constitute one of the steadiest sources of income. The former consists of "tithe and task" (decima et tascha) and of altar-revenues deriving from the sacerdotal ministry, i.e. oblationes que ad altare pertinent. The latter is composed of revenues of mills and bread-ovens. It is worthy of our attention that a domestic staff (familia decaniae) numbering about twenty or thirty individuals were fed on the produce of the mills and bread-ovens throughout the year. Third, the most substantial returns came from the manorial demesne. It produced twice as much wheat and rye, and five times as muchj wine as peasant holdings. The demesne was a veritable center of manorial system. The monks of Cluny, therefore, endeavored to keep their demesne in good condition, reconstructing and even enlarging them by clearing new ground or planting vines. In Cluniac decania, labour services offered by peasants were reducing. But each decania appears to have been sufficiently provided with manpower derived from its domestic staff called familia, who were responsible for cultivating demesne. The monastery of Cluny was far from being "rentier du sol".

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