French constitutional thinking after the Revolution is based on the concept of the “Republic, ” including principles of the “unity of the French People, ” the “indivisibility of the Republic, ” “individualism, ” “equality” and “laicism.” The process of modern capitalistic development was directed by a strong centralized bureaucracy. Corsica, an island situated on the periphery of the republic, became increasingly marginalized.
Under Mitterrand's decentralization policy, mid-level “regional” local governments were created and given some of the State's authority, however, this process did not change the fundamental nature of the French Republic. Corsica was designated as a region with a special status, which legitimated policies promoting Corsican culture and regional identity, such as educational programs, or broadcasting in the Corsican language.
Moreover, with the institutional reform of 1991, Corsica was designated as a “cultural and historic community, composing the French people.” However that was in conflict with the Republican principles.
In July 2000, the French government proposed to give partial legislative power to Corsica and to introduce compulsory regional language classes into Corsican elementary schools and kindergartens. However, if these projects are adopted, the French Republican Constitution would need to be amended. For this reason, many Republicans are strongly opposed.
In either case, the French Republic itself is going to lose its legitimacy in the process of European integration based on the principles of subsidiarity and pluralism. We can conclude that actual Corsican reform is an opportunity to change the “unitary Republic” into the “plural Republic.”

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In this article I will try to clarify the logic of the Amendment of the Compulsory Education Act of 1998. In this year an Act to reinforce the control of compulsory education was adopted unanimously in the Parliament. By this act, control of compulsory education in a family setting was reinforced. In France freedom of education has been respected since the formation of the national education system. Why should compulsory education be reinforced in a country which emphasizes freedom of education? This is the fundamental problem to clarify in this article.

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 本稿は日本の政治教育でも習得が求められている政治的教養とその育成を、フランスを例にひとつのモデルとして提示する。政治的知識は「合意された手段」を使って権利を行使するための知識と技術を指すが、政治的教養はそれらの知識・技術を使って判断したり実際の政治行動に結びつけたりする「価値」をも視野にいれたものと定義する。フランスでは合意を得る手段として、歴史を根拠にことばの定義を行い、異なる視点を突き合わせてその矛盾を解決する〈弁証法〉が書いたり討論したりする方法として用いられており、初等教育からこの様式習得のための教育が行われている。この思考と表現の型―思考表現スタイル―に歴史教育が根拠となる「材料」を提供し、市民性教育が「概念」を与え、フランス語教育が「感情」を育み、それらが統合されて政治的教養が習得される過程をフランスの学校調査から明らかにする。結論では政治教育における3つの課題―①主体性の育成と教育の価値中立性、②生徒の政治行動への準備、③多元的な社会における政治教育―にフランスのモデルがいかに応えているかを示す。

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The comparative politics and the international (transnational) politics are competitive in interpreting, but each of these two approaches are not successful in interpreting consistently some contemporary issues. The EU member countries' immigration policies and the acceptance of human rights of foreigners are good examples. Concerning this theme, there are already two eminent interpretations. The one is the human rights regime proposed by Yasemn N. Soysal and Saskia Sassen. The other is the nation's “cultural idioms” and types of nation-states proposed by Rogers Brubaker and others.
The political and sociological situations of foreigners in each EU member countries are always changing and this theme becomes extremely hot issue. I categorize these interpretations into three. First is “(slight) modifications of citizenship model.” The encouragement of returning home, simplification of naturalization process are examples. However the dual nationality is always in debate. Second is the “deviation from citizenship model.” This is proposed by Thomas Hammar, whose keywords are “denizen” and “denizenship”. He proposed “triad model” composed by citizens, denizens and aliens instead of “dyad model” composed by citizens and aliens. This is the leading theory for European advanced countries like Sweden and Netherlands to promote the human rights policies. Nevertheless, this position is proposed on precondition of the citizenship model. Moreover its logical justification is rooted in “residence”. But this right of “residence” becomes vulnerable because of globalization (global media and internet etc.). Third is the “alternative of citizenship model, ” proposed by Yasemn N. Soysal, Saskia Sassen and David Jacobson.
They say that the “devaluation of citizenship” is occurring in the advanced countries, and they use the keyword “personhood” au lieu de “nationhood” and “citizenship.” “denizenship” and “personhood” hold in common the post-national situation. Today, this human rights regime becomes dominant, and there are many voluntary associations who maintain and strengthen this regime. However Soysal and others do not succeed in explaining how this human rights regime was accepted or “embedded” in each country.
Brubaker intends to explain the differences of immigration policies of France and Germany by using the concept of nation's “cultural idioms.” However, recently, in Germany, there occurred an enormous amendment of nationality law under the new alliance between the social-democratic party and the “greens.” Concerning the citizenship, France and Germany are not opposite, but very close. In sum, “cultural idioms” are not always the same and they change according to the international relations.
Here we are “third position.” The embedment of human rights regime by each national country is the principal cause of the expansion of human rights regime. In this third position, the national/transnational connection is essential. Therefore, both comparative politics and international (transnational) relation theory are not persuasive. This national/transnational two-step model is suggested by the arguments of Christian Joppke and James F. Hollifield. In the case of the immigration policy issue, family unification right was (is) always central in judging the “embedment” of human rights regime. In this paper, three main cases in Europe (Germany, Great Britain and France) are examined partially according the analysis of Joppke, Hollifield, Patrick Weil, Adrian Favell and so on. The “turning point” is critical in each country. Sometimes these causes are internal and national. Sometimes these are external but “national.” Italy's immigration policy is the best

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 In 2001, decree No. 2001-1361 made it obligatory to arrange for a caretaker, called Gardien(ne), in social housing in France. This study examines the argument process of this decree, whereby the French government introduced human management in social housing. The results are follows: - The Gardien(ne) system is a part of crime prevention through environmental design against vandalism in common spaces.
- Most of the system's initial cost is paid by the government housing budget and real estate tax exemptions rather than by the social housing agency, which can demand three-fourths of the running cost from inhabitants.

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