Japan has been increasing its importation of farm products, in terms of both volume and variety, especially since the late 1980s. Concurrently, there has been much research on the formation of vegetable-producing regions for export, and importation from Asian developing countries, especially China. However, as about 50% of farm products now imported by Japan come from advanced countries such as the U. S., Canada and Australia, the purpose of this study was to give a more complete picture of Japan’s agricultural trade. Therefore I decided to take up the import of citrus fruits from the U. S. in this study.

Citrus trade liberalization has been a very important political topic between Japan and the U. S. since 1960. After dismantling the orange import quota system in 1991, Japanese mandarin-producing areas were forced to shrink under pressure of imported California orange products. This paper examined the regional change of California citrus-producing areas (CCPA) since 1991. The findings are summarized below:

1. CCPA expanded largely during the 1990s as orange exports to Japan increased. From 2000 on however, CCPA shrank due to the demand for Valencia oranges by Japan being replaced by its demand for navel oranges from Southern Hemisphere regions. Grapefruit production in CCPA also decreased as a result of competition from Florida in the export of that product.

2. These changes in the citrus market conditions promoted regional specialization in CCPA. CCPA consists of 2 areas, the San Joaquin Valley Area (SVA) and the Southern California Area (SCA). The main product of SVA is navel oranges while that of SCA are Valencia oranges and grapefruits, which have become less popular in Japan in recent years. Japanese consumers had traditionally favored the SCA Valencia oranges but after dismantling the orange quota system, demand in the Japanese market dramatically shifted to navel oranges, damaging the citrus export volume of SCA.

3. These regional specializations (rise and fall) will probably continue as SCA is located in the expanding Los Angeles metropolitan area where citrus groves are likely to be developed for urban land use. However, as SCA is less apt to freeze or suffer frost than SVA, the maintenance of SCA is important for the whole CCPA industry. Therefore, the task of Sunkist Growers, Inc., which was founded in SCA, is a very important one. It is to find new markets for Valencia orange products.

The recent shrinkage of SCA was related to trends in the Japanese market. After the year 2000, orange exports to Japan decreased, but now Japan is the No. 1 citrus fruits customer of export market traders. This condition will continue for the foreseeable future. So CCPA must monitor the consumer trends of the Japanese market.

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Floriculture has been one of the industries in which Japanese immigrants and their descendants successfully engaged in California. In their participation in this intensive type of agriculture, ethnic organizations emerged both in San Francisco and Los Angeles and played key roles in the immigrants' economy and society. The present paper is intended to describe and analyze the development and change of Japanese floriculture in southern California from its beginning before the turn of the century through the sudden interruption during World War II and the post-war transformation. Some comparison is attempted with the San Francisco Bay Area Japanese floriculture which experienced a similar pattern of development.
Japanese flower production in Los Angeles began just before the turn of the century, several years after its initiation in the San Francisco Bay Area. The first formal organization of Japanese growers of Los Angeles, the Southern California Flower Market, played a central role in the development of the Japanese flower industry from its establishment in 1913. It not only was the focal point of the growers' economic activities but also functioned to promote socio-cultural cohesion among the Issei.
While the entire southern California coast offers nealy optimal climatic conditions for flower production, most Japanese flower growers before World War II were located in the immediate vicinity of Los Angeles. The warmer winters encouraged field production. In contrast to the Bay Area, greenhouses were little used by the Japanese growers here. Annuals were grown chiefly from seed. The beach areas were particularly important for supplying the summer flowers while producers in inland areas grew winter flowers. In the early days many Japanese produced flowers alongside commercial plots of berries and vegetables. Many more types of flowers were grown in southern California than in the Bay Area where only roses, carnations and chrysanthemums were of significance.
Japanese flower growers, like the Japanese truck farmers of southern California, usually leased their land. In the Bay Area, on the other hand, ownership of land was widespread. Plenty of open land was available for rent before World War II and growers had no difficulty finding the necessary space for their operations. The dominance of field production of annuals, however, to some extent may have reflected the absence of a guaranteed long-term access to the land.
The Japanese evacuation during World War II brought about a sudden disruptiqn of Japanese activities on the West Coast and gave rise to multifaceted changes in the post-war Japanese community and economy. Floriculture was one of the few Japanese sub-economies which was rapidly and successfully reconstructed both in norhtern and southern California with the successful reestablishment of flower markets. Their firmly established pre-war basis had not been fully preempted by other groups during their absence. The ethnic alignment of the industry was reaffirmed.
Although Japanese floriculture has been completety reconstructed and ethnic cooperativism revived, the industry has experienced both quantitative and qualitative changes. A substantial number of Japanese growers in the Los Angeles area moved away from this traditional center of production to escape increasing urban pressures. New developments have taken place in the coastal districts of San Diego, Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. In these new floricultural regions of southern California Nisei growers appear to have lost both the geographical and cultural closeness and cohesiveness that characterized those engaged in the industry prior to World Was II. The Southern California Flower Growers of Los Angeles, an ethnic organization, still plays an important economic role in the industry as a local wholesaling center.

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In Japan, owners of companion animals are encouraged to evacuate with their animals to a safe place — yet, most evacuation centers are not ready to accept evacuees with their animals. There are various reasons why the acceptance of evacuees with their animals is not improving at evacuation centers. People with allergies are a significant barrier to the acceptance of animal companions at evacuation centers. Thus, this study focuses on dogs and cats as companion animals and conducts a survey of people who own neither dogs nor cats, asking for their opinions on accepting evacuees along with their animals. Based on the results, this study provides insights into which acceptance methods can be used for allowing evacuees to accompanied by their companion animals at evacuation centers.

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ロサンゼルス大都市圏では，1970年代以降，多民族化が進行してエスニックタウンが増加し，エスニックモザイクが形成された。本稿は，エスニック社会を読み解くための視点と方法を提示し，エスニックタウンの動態をエスニック資源の活用に着目して検討することを目的とする。はじめにロサンゼルスの都市化とエスニックタウンの形成過程を検討し，次にエスニック社会を読み解くための12の指標を提示した。これらの指標はエスニック社会を構成する要素であり，エスニック資源でもある。エスニック資源に着目すると，エスニックタウンは3類型に区分される。移民の流入とエスニックタウンの萌芽から，エスニック資源が高度に活用されホスト社会への発信が活発化するまで，3段階が想定される。また，エスニック資源の活用形態は，時代の枠組み，地域の枠組み，移住プロセスの枠組みによって説明することができる。

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In the relatively short history of Japanese overseas emigration in the modern era, California has been one of the major destinations. This was especially true in the early decades of this century. The cooperative spirit so deeply rooted in traditional Japanese society was transferred to the overseas colony and modified as an adaptive strategy to fit the local conditions found there. The nature of this cooperativism not only differed substantially from one area to another, but was also significantly adapted and transformed. Attention in the present study is focussed on Japanese truck farmers in southern California prior to World War II in order to depict the nature of rural immigrant community and their cooperative spirit.
The cooperative movement played a significant role in the development of California agriculture mainly through its marketing activities. However, the impact of these American agricultural organization on Japanese immigrants to California in their earlier engagement in farming was limited. Rather, the idea of cooperation deeply rooted in rural Japan was transferred readily to overseas Japanese communities. The industrial cooperative movement which grew in Japan since the turn of the century provided a good example which overseas immigrants could follow. Agricultural organizations with purely economic purposes, however, came late among the Japanese compared with those organized exclusively for socio-fraternal purposes.
A sharp distinction existed between Japanese agricultural cooperatives before and after 1930. In the early 1910's the Japanese farmers began to establish their organizations in southern California. These functioned to circulate agricultural information and helped them adjust to the American systems. These organizations became the focal point of many farming communities. However, these early organizations usually did not function well in the area of cooperative marketing.
Better organizations came mainly in the 1930's when socio-economic conditions, such as the Great Depression and the farm labor movement and unionism, forced cooperation. At the same time, the Japanese community began to mature as on the one hand their relationship to their new homeland deepened and broadened, while on the other the immigration flow was cut by the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1924. Local organizations took on the functions of agricultural cooperatives, while centralized and federated organizations were established in southern California to strengthen and coordinate local bodies. The cooperativism that developed in this period was the farmers' survival mechanism and largescale meetings called to meet special problems were commonplace.
The Japanese evacuation during World War II put an end the ethnically cohesive agricultural activities of Issei immigrants. After 1945, the vertical control by the Japanese of the production-wholesaling-retailing aspects of agriculture in southern California established prior to the war was not revived. Nor were many of the Japanese-owned agricultural cooperatives and associations, typical manifestations of Japanese ethnic cooperativism among truck farmers, reconstituted

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 This study is focusing on race structure and space structure of Japantown, the role of Japanese American business and Japanese American community in San Jose, northern California. Japantown in San Jose was formed from 1890, along Southern Pacific Railroad and Chinatown. In Japantown center, the building owners and tenants were Japanese, Chinese and other races. Japanese buildings were the most and space segregation by races has been shown. Japanese group like Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and Japanese American companies were developed in Japantown. Many Chinese were flowing out and other races like Filipino, Vietnamese and Korean were flowing in. Japanese Americans who closed their business are renting tenants to Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and other races. To maintain Japantown, to understand and participate in Japanese American business and community are necessary. How Japanese American and association will accept Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and other races is the future problem.

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