This paper aims to analyze Anglo-French relations during the first half of the Algerian War (1954–1957) focusing on the perceptions and attitude of the British Foreign Office (BFO) toward the French Algerian problem. What did the British think of this colonial conflict? How did their attitude toward France change? What differences can be observed between BFO bureaucrats in London and the British Ambassador in Paris?
France made efforts to ask her NATO allies to support her in order to defend her position in Algeria and fight against the Afro-Asian bloc, which demanded the independence of Algeria in the General Assembly of the United Nations.
The British supported the French position formally but were careful not to go too far fearing that it would damage the dignity and interests of Britain in Africa and the Middle East. The African Department at the BFO thought that supporting the French position in Algeria was different from supporting the day-to-day French policy there another. The Western Organizations Department feared that deploying French troops under NATO to North Africa would make defense forces in the central sector of Europe vulnerable.
On the other hand, Gladwyn Jebb, the British Ambassador in Paris then, tried to ardently express and promote British support to France by making good use of Cold War rhetoric, insisting that the triumph of Algerian nationalist movements and the retreat of France would bring about a vacuum of power and put not only Algeria but also the whole of North Africa in the orbit of Soviet communism.
The British continued to formally support France hoping for a liberal solution to the Algerian conflict, which was regarded as a French internal problem by the British. As terrorism in Algeria worsened and the French Army continued to be unable to defeat the nationalist forces, the British began to discreetly shift their attitude. The African Department thought that it was essential to provide a political solution to the conflict, for which the autonomy or independence of Algeria was considered. Jebb’s Cold War rhetoric became less effective in the BFO.
The British intended to cooperate with the Americans to realize a cease-fire in Algeria and keep North Africa on the Western side. They tried to exercise their prudent and informal influence on France to make more efforts to attain a liberal solution, while continuing to provide France their formal support in the United Nations.
When the British and Americans were forced to comply with Tunisian requests of arms supply, which the Tunisians would otherwise order from Egypt or Soviet Union, Anglo-French relations became tense and entered a critical phase.

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　現代のフットボールは、試合スケジュールや選手の活動のあらゆる領域にまでスポンサーの統治の力が浸透している文化現象である。しかし他方でそれは、その時代の社会的諸問題を浮き彫りにするものでもある。本論は過去二十年のフランス代表チームを跡付けながらその社会的・歴史的背景を考察するとともにワールドカップというイヴェントがいかに解釈できるのかを論じる。1998年大会、社会的に移民規制が高まる中でのフランスの優勝は「統合」の機運を生み出した。様々なキャリアと人種の選手の集合体こそがフランス代表だった。そこではワールドカップは刹那的ではあるが統合の夢を生み出しうるものだった。だが2000 年代以降のフランス代表が露呈したのは分断の線であった。適度に貧しいという均質化した環境から代表選手を目指すプロセスの共通性は、ジダンの時代にはあったが、ドラソーの頃には消え失せていた。郊外の中でもとりわけ治安に問題のある地域「シテ」に出自を持つ選手たちと社会的エリート階層出身の選手たちとの間にある亀裂は、社会的分裂の象徴だった。その問題が大きく顕在化したのが、2010 年南アフリカ大会である。そのときワールドカップは、そうした問題を世界に向けてあからさまな形で発信するイヴェントとなった。人種的統合／排除、階層的分断といった問題だけでなく、フランスにとってワールドカップは過去の植民地問題があらためて交渉される場としての可能性を持つものでもある。2014 年大会では旧宗主国フランスと旧植民地の試合が実現する可能性があった。二つの国の人種・政治・差別の問題が複雑に絡まり合い「親善試合」が期待できない状況で、2014 年のの健闘は貴重な機会だった。旧宗主国と旧植民地の間の複雑な歴史を露呈させ、そのうえでそうしたいっさいを配慮せずに試合を実現できるのも、ワールドカップのもつ可能性である。

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Total energy demand of Japan has attained to about 210 million tons coal equivalent in 1963, of which petroleum energy is possessing a large proportion year by year. This tendency is a natural consequence in view of the rationalization of enterprises, however, it is necessary to make political adjustment for coal consumption.Such problems often appear in foreign countries, these being solved by the country herself.
Tokyo Gas Co.has applied the oil-gas producer and also purchased off-gas, thus resulting in lowering the cost of raw materials for gas production.

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近年クワは機能性食品としての利用に関心が集まってきており、既にクワ茶は大手ドラッグストアーなどでも販売されている。クワ茶の効能は食後の一時的な血糖値上昇を抑制することにあるとされ、その有効成分として1-デオキシノジリマイシン(DNJ)が知られている。DNJの糖分吸収抑制のメカニズムは、二糖類を単糖類に分解する酵素であるα-グルコシダーゼの働きを阻害することにあると考えられているが、クワにはDNJ以外にも同様な作用を示す可能性がある成分が含まれていることも最近の研究で明らかにされた。今回はクワの機能性食品としての利用価値をさらに高めるために、α-グルコシダーゼ阻害作用の強いクワ品種の摘出を図るとともに、葉におけるDNJ含量とα-グルコシダーゼ阻害作用との相関の有無について検討した。

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 Presupposing the ATBAT (Atelier des Bâtisseurs) as an international exchange organization, this paper considers the historical meaning and position of the exchange activities of the newborn ATBAT from the viewpoints of four key members: Vladimir Bodiansky, George Candilis, Gérald Hanning, and Gyoji Banshoya. The scope of this paper encompasses the period of their work in Morocco, via the manifestation at the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne 9 (CIAM 9), up to the point of their separation. As a continuation of my previous paper “Part 1”, I employ the same historical methods and resources herein. However, in this paper I also conduct some planning studies, for the purpose of examining how the “Housing for the Greatest Number” movement led to the “Évolutif (evolutionary)” concept, and, finally, to the planning method known as “Habitat Évolutif (Evolutionary Housing).” Important consideration is given to the ways in which this last method was concretized through the exchange of members’ ideas, particularly Banshoya’s.

 Following his struggles with Le Corbusier, and based on his experience working with Marcel Lods and Jean Bossu in African countries, Gérald Hanning became an independent urban planner. In this role, Hanning coordinated the environments around these architects’ masterpieces.

 In 1951, ATBAT opened a branch in French Morocco, and Candilis became the director of that branch. Cooperating with Michel Ecochard who was the director of urban planning of the French protectorate government, ATBAT initiated the planning movement known as “Habitat Pour le Plus Grand Nombre (Housing for the Greatest Number).” As a well-known example, they realized their masterpiece “Nid d’Abeilles,” intended to provide housing suitable for the lifestyles of Moroccan people from rural areas. They advocated this movement at CIAM 9, held in Aix-en-Provence in 1953. It was here that they suggested the idea for “Évolutif (evolutionary)” housing.

 In 1953, Gyoji Banshoya participated in ATBAT. Candilis was so willing to welcome him that he published Banshoya’s first masterpiece, “The Square House” in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui. For Candilis, the square house seemed an advanced example of the idea of Habitat Évolutif.

 This led me to conduct some analysis of the planning for their co-research project “La Série Trèfle (Clover Series).” This endeavour was supported by C.S.T.B. and published in Techniques et Architecture in 1954. I note that the key idea of separating the skeleton and mobile partition which partly stems from the design of the square house, can be clearly seen to play an important role in the planning concept of “La Série Trèfle.” Just after the project’s completion, Candilis resigned from ATBAT and began his career as an independent architect with the team of Candilis-Josic-Woods. There, he profited from the idea of Habitat Évolutif. Hanning and Banshoya also left ATBAT, and moved to Algiers.

 The most important roles played by ATBAT were (1) expanding the idea of a new housing style suggested by Le Corbusier based on their technical research; (2) examining its applicability to the general public, including slum residents in various Francophonie cities; and (3) innovating the planning methods of Habitat Évolutif. It is the case that the beginning of this concept can already be seen in Le Corbusier’s theories. However, it was ATBAT’s original contribution to provide a theoretical framework, based on their field work, for the realization of Habitat Évolutif. In conclusion, I point out that these novel constructions were made possible by the international exchange activities among the young architects and planners of various origins who were members of ATBAT.

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