The purpose of this paper is to discuss attitudinal problems that researchers tend to have in interview research, specifically in the context of doing research on ‘Hikikomori’ individuals. I consider this through an analysis of how I carry out interviews with ‘Hikikomori Tohjisha’ persons who regard themselves as ‘Hikikomori.’ In so doing, I focus especially on the narratives concerning the ‘beginnings’ of their ‘Hikikomori’ and on how I transcribe and interpret these narratives. In the conclusion, I suggest the importance of researchers clarifying their own unconscious assumptions about ‘Hikikomori.’

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There are many support groups for people suffering from hikikomori (social withdrawal). How to aid their rehabilitation is a complicated subject. What do the supporters do actually? One role for private support groups is to visit people in hikikomori and act as “the disturbing other, ” to shake up their daily life which is divorced from any significant happening and to introduce an element of uncertainty. In so doing, the supporter has to manage her emotions to enjoy the uncertainty, and to make herself happy to meet people in hikikomori. Through this management of emotion, the supporter manages to show people in hikikomori that the uncertainty is necessary and fun and therefore they are welcomed by society.

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In Japanese, “Tojisha” means “the person concerned”. The author, who once had a long-term experience of Hikikomori (Social withdrawal), now conducts research on Hikikomori. As a part of this research, this time, the author analyzes a dialogue between the author and another Hikikomori. The theme of the dialogue is about “Hikikomori Studies”. However, before the dialogue took place, the idea of “Hikikomori Studies” was just nothing more than the author’s self-righteous idea. And, it was also an idea that excludes all but the Hikikomori parties. After the dialogue, the author hopes to change the form of “Hikikomori Studies” into another form for thinking with the people who are not “Tojisha” but are interested (They’re called “Kyojisha”). In addition to the analysis of the dialogue, this paper also provides a discussion based on the author’s auto-ethnography.

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This paper considers who is “Tojisha” (the person concerned) in the problem of “hikikomori” (socially withdrawn Japanese youth). Through critical reconsideration of the definition of “Tojisha” by Ueno Chizuko, it becomes clear that “Tojisha” by Ueno means individuals who recognize and identify themselves as “hikikomori” with respect to their own needs. Then we examine the “Tojisha” in the “hikikomori” problem and point out that family needs are much more expressed than the needs of those who experience “hikikomori”. Finally, we discuss in what meaning socially withdrawn youth themselves are “Tojisha” and we conclude that we can regard the “hikikomori” subjects as “Tojisha” with an alternative formulation of “Tojisha”: ”the subjects who take their experiences not as something anonymous and but as their own experiences”.

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本稿は本質主義というキーワードを軸に現代社会の精神状況を抽出し、記述したものである。ニート・ひきこもり、スクールカースト、マウンティング、ネット炎上等の現象を本質主義というキーワードのもと読み直すことで、今日的な排除、序列のあり方やそこでの問題点を明らかにすることを目的とする。 主として00 年代以降インターネットの普及を通じて、よりミクロな領域における排除や序列化の過程が加速度的に可視化した。そこで我々は、規模の大小を問わず展開される排除や優劣を示すレトリックを頻繁に目にすることになる。 本稿は、そこで見られる排除性や序列意識を悪魔的で例外的なものとするのではなく、我々の一部として、自明のうちに、あるいは潜在的にどのように人間の内に落とし込まれてきたのかについて考察する。 議論は、アイデンティティ論が抱えていた「働くこと」というテーマをめぐる本質主義的、排除的な側面に焦点を当てるところからスタートする。 次に、消費社会で形成されるアイデンティティ、及びそれに伴う序列意識について論じる。 第三に、アイデンティティ形成の過程において異なる準拠枠を持つ者同士が、他者をことさらに劣った者として位置づける悪魔化のプロセスに着目する。自己愛の最大化をめぐり、社会的文脈や道徳的文脈を利用する今日に特徴的な戦略を記述する。 最後に、本質化や悪魔化の帰結としてマウンティングと呼ばれる攻撃性やナチュラルな上から目線が生じていることを指摘し、議論を結ぶ。

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本稿の目的は，社会における既存の価値観を変えようとする社会運動として「ひきこもり」の当事者活動を検討することである．まず，「ひきこもり」の当事者活動をマイノリティの社会運動として捉える視点を検討する（2 節）．「ひきこもり」の当事者が，支援の〈受け手〉から活動の〈担い手〉へと研究の焦点が移行していることを踏まえ（2.1），「ひきこもり」の当事者活動が社会変革を指向する社会運動であることを確認し（2.2），「ひきこもり」の当事者の存在証明戦略のあり方としての私的戦略（「印象操作」「補償努力」「他者の価値剥奪」）と集合的戦略（「価値の取り戻し」）を検討した（2.3）．

次いで，当事者の語りを検討しつつ，2000 年代の自己変革から（3.1），2010 年代の制度変革へ（3.2）と当事者活動を支える言説状況が変化したことを考察した．そして，「ひきこもり」の実像を伝えるための当事者発信の台頭（4.1），「対話」を通じた「ひきこもり」像の変容を目指す対話型イベントへのシフト（4.2），協働して当事者活動をすることによるネットワーク形成（4.3）の3 点を通じて，当事者活動が価値を取り戻す社会運動として拡大していく過程を論じた．本稿を通じて，「ひきこもり」の当事者活動は，「ひきこもり」に対するかつての逸脱のイメージを転換し，社会における既存の価値観を変えようとする社会運動であることが明らかとなった．

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本稿では, 「ひきこもり当事者」が他者と「親密に」付き合っていく際に立ちあらわれる「関係的な生きづらさ」を考察する. そのための課題として, 第1に, 当事者の語る親密な関係がどのような規範によって支えられているのかを考察する. そして第2に, この親密な関係を規定する規範と, 経験や欲望といった「個人的なもの」とが, いかにして人々の行為を拘束しているのかを分析する.

第1の課題に対し, 当事者のセクシュアリティを中心とした語りを通して, そこに潜む性規範を明らかにした. 社会の側にホモソーシャリティを要請する規範があるとき, 社会の側に合わせようとする当事者はミソジニーを内面化せざるをえず, 結果的に自らの「性的挫折」を「ひきこもり」の経験と関連づけて語らしめた (3.1). ゆえに性規範への逸脱/適応の「証」は当事者の自己物語にとって重大な契機となっている (3.2).

第2の課題に対し, 一見「性」から離れているように見える親密な関係の語りも, 実は性規範を中心とした親密な関係を規定する規範に支えられ, 個人的で相容れない志向性をもつ経験や欲望と互いに絡み合いながら当事者を拘束し, 関係的な生きづらさを語らしめていること (4.1), 「社会復帰」への戦略にも性規範が組み込まれているが, 当事者の親密な関係における課題は他者とは共有されずに, 結果的に個人の問題とされ続けていること (4.2) を明らかにした.

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　The problem of "Hikikomori" - socially withdrawn youth - has been an issue since the 1980's. It became widely known as a Japanese social problem due to reports in the mass media after 2000. The purpose of this paper is to approach this problem through the lens of E. Goffman's interaction theory.　To develop this approach, I will first take up E. H. Erikson's identity theory as a typical framework for understanding the background of "hikikomori". Then I will demonstrate the inadequacy of this approach by applying Goffman's interaction theory.　From Goffman's point of view, in which the situated self varies according to the situation, Erikson's identity theory disregards this essential relationship. However, if situated selves do thus vary, what allows the ego to assume a self-identity that transcends circumstances and is thus irrelevant to them? Since the ego continues to project and maintain its situated self, it adapts in innumerable ways to the prevailing conditions, and is enabled to participate in them.　This normal expectation of oneself is so integrated and generalized that it transcends any specific and temporary self, and gives rise to an integrated self-image which, if it is considered as fixed and immutable, is equal to Erikson's notion of self-identity. However, from the viewpoint of Goffman, a desituated self is only assumed to be necessary for participation in any given situation.　Given this perspective, self-identity can be assumed to be a by-product of continuous participation as a situated self, which then in turn as, so to speak, a virtual focus, functions as if it is a basic assumption for participation. It is important to understand hikikomori subjects' ability or inability to participate as being such a relationship between the situation and the ego, not as a mere "identity crisis" to be resolved by the recognition and understanding of others.　If we disregard this relationship and dwell on a fixed self-identity, this may cause the violation of "involvement obligations" and create the image of a "faulty person". What is important is to clarify, not desituated "social structures" or "others", but the relationship between the specific situation and the ego.

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The purpose of this paper is to describe and interpret interviews with persons who regard themselves as “hikikomori, ” and to point out the negative effects, especially for such individuals, caused by the confusion of the concepts of “hikikomori” with “NEETs.”
“Hikikomori, ” which refers to youth in a state of social withdrawal, has been noted since the latter half of the 1990s in Japan. In recent years, the concept of “NEETs” has also come to attract attention. “NEETs” refers to young people who are “not in education, employment, or training.” The concept of “hikikomori” has been partly incorporated into discussions about “NEETs, ” and it is commonly said that the two can be discussed in the same context. Moreover, some organizations dealing with “hikikomori” have started to support “NEETs.” However the understanding of “hikikomori” that has accumulated may be distorted by the confusion between the two concepts.
Moreover, this confusion has a direct effect on individuals who consider themselves to be “hikikomori.” Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish the two concepts. Based on this perspective, the author describes and interprets interviews with such individuals, and points out the problems of providing support for “hikikomori” sufferers within the concept of “NEETs”.
The interviewed revealed the following facts. People who consider themselves to be “hikikomori” see themselves as inferior and withdraw from relationships with others because though they have difficulty working, they worry excessively that “working is the natural state for an adult.” Their self-esteem cannot be restored immediately even if they participate in a self-help group. Informants re-construct stories about themselves and their lives and come to see the norm of life-courses in relative terms, and regain self-esteem from this. However, this can lead to a decline in their motivation to start working. Moreover, informants cannot overcome their distrust and fear of society. Therefore, sufferers of “hikikomori” seek a new way of life as they again ask themselves various questions, such as, “why must we work?” “What do I want to do?” “Who am I?” and so on. As they think through these questions, they resolve to make a fresh start.
This process of struggle is in essence the process of recovery from “hikikomori.” Current measures for “NEETs, ” are based on the idea that it is more important to start working than to think too much about the meaning of working. However, individuals suffering from “hikikomori” have regained their self-esteem by asking the various questions concerning working and their own lives. Therefore, it is likely that the confusion of the two concepts will not only deprive people suffering from “hikikomori” of the opportunity for recovery but will also lead them to abandon their own efforts voluntarily.

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東浩紀の『ゲンロン0―観光客の哲学』（2017）によると，現代の世界は，ナショナリズムとグローバリズムなど，様々な局面で二項対立的な「二層構造」になっているという。本研究は，国際性という文脈のみに単線化された結果，「二層構造」を生み出す要因となっている複言語・複文化の物語を，「本来の姿」へと回帰させることを目指している。単線化した複言語・複文化の物語の例として，「移動する子ども」研究を批判対象とし，同研究が暗示する「移動する子ども」と「移動しない子ども」の二項対立的構造を概観しながら，その間に中間的文脈を作り出すことを試みる。そうすることで，同研究における「移動」概念を拡張的に再定義する。これらの目的に向けたナラティブな調査として，日仏「ハーフ」の人々を対象としてライフストーリー調査を行なった。それに加え，筆者自身の「ひきこもり」経験をオートエスノグラフィーとして記述し，それをハーフたちの語りと交差させる。そうして，「ハーフ＝移動する子ども」と「ひきこもり＝移動しない子ども」との間に「部分的つながり」を見立てることで，複言語・複文化の物語を複線的な「本来の姿」へと蘇らせるのである。

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