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  • その親和力と排斥力に基く予測
    高橋 正
    ソ連・東欧学会年報
    1983年 1983 巻 12 号 44-60
    発行日: 1983年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東アジアの新しい国際環境
    中川 昌郎
    国際政治
    1984年 1984 巻 78 号 97-111,L10
    発行日: 1984/10/27
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to clarify and analyze the factors determining the Chinese-Taiwanese relationship, especially on the Taiwanese side.
    Taiwan has rejected the call for unification by China since 1979. How long Taiwan's rejection can be sustained is the keypoint to determine the China-Taiwan relationship in future. Many reasons why Taiwan has rejected the unification call have been pointed out and one of these reasons, namely, Taiwan's self-confidence in its leadership, economy, and security has been emphasized by the Taiwan government itself as well as China watchers. However, examining these three fields in detail, some defects can be analyzed. First of all, its leadership has not been able to gain the confidence of the people mainly because of its double-structured administration. Secondly, despite its rapid progress, Taiwan's economy has structural weaknesses in the change of industrial structure, the size of capital, and isolation from the international money market. Thirdly, the circumstance of security around Taiwan is stable now, but Taiwan's security deeply depends on the U. S. policy, especially on U. S. arms sales. Therefore, if Sino-America relations change drastically, Taiwan will be faced with another security situation, different from the present stable one.
    From this analysis, we can point out that Taiwan was forced to evolve these structural weakpoints in its economy, leadership, and security, in order to sustain the present relationship with China.
  • ――八六年中曽根康弘訪中を中心に――
    河合 玲佳
    国際政治
    2019年 2019 巻 197 号 197_90-197_105
    発行日: 2019/09/25
    公開日: 2020/04/16
    ジャーナル フリー

    In the 1980s, China began to undergo major changes both domestically and externally after the reform and opening-up. In the meantime, China adopted “independent diplomatic policy” – not taking sides with the United States or the Soviet Union, and economic development also benefited from the bold diplomatic policy. Hu Yaobang, the then General Secretary of China, believed that China should actively integrate into the international economy, achieve technological tie-ups and plunge into the international circulation. It is worth mentioning that Hu Yaobang visited Japan and carried out outstanding diplomatic activity. In a broad sense, the Japan-China relations in the 1980s improved steadily though some problems emerged, such as the Japanese Textbook Event and Japanese Prime Minister’s visit to Yasukuni Shrine. Leaders, ministers and party members of both countries actively boosted mutual visits. Meanwhile, military and youth exchanges were promoted. Since Yasuhiro Nakasone was inaugurated as the Prime Minister in November 1982, the friendly contact between Japan and China has further increased and the bilateral ties have become closer.

    In the present paper, the author analyzes Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone’s second visit to China in November 1986, while the discussion on Chinese political system reform was booming and the 13th National People’s Congress was pending. Moreover, the author reviews the contributing factors of the visit and the contents of the meeting. Based on these efforts, the author reviews the Japan-China relations and the internal situation of China in the 1980s.

    The Chinese party actively set the stage for Nakasone’s second visit to China. At that time, Japan and China jointly worked to keep good bilateral relations. For example, the Chinese government made efforts to prevent large-scale anti-Japanese demonstrations. The specific topics during the meeting include Hu Yaobang’s visit to the United States, the Sino-Soviet relations and China’s attitude towards the Korean Peninsula issue, reflecting the foreign attention to Hu Yaobang. Regarding China’s domestic affairs, Hu Yaobang and Deng Xiaoping referred to personnel affairs, aiming to further deepen the reform after the 13th National People’s Congress in 1987. Back then, both Hu Yaobang and Deng Xiaoping confided to Nakasone that they intended to achieve national rejuvenation. As for the exact start time, Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang did not reach consensus. Two months later after the meeting, Hu Yaobang resigned. This is the last visit to China for Nakasone as Japanese Prime Minister.

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