In the Tang period there was chih (_??_) in the official system (_??__??__??_). (The word chu-chih (_??__??_) means all kinds of chih (_??_).) Chih was a name of the people who had special technical abilities and worked at each government office The position-class of it was in accordance with Liu-wai-kuan (_??__??__??_).
In the official system of our RYO code (_??__??_), there was a post called TOMOBE (_??__??_). This is a name of the people who belonged to a government office also with special technical abilities. Their position-class was ZONIN (_??__??_). There were _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_, _??__??_, _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_, etc. in the system of chih, and, in the system of TOMOBE there were _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_, _??__??__??_ etc. Those two are very similar to each other both in contents and in expression. The people of TOMOBE were engaged in all kinds of manufactures, but when they could not do alone, as they had the people called ZOKO (_??__??_) and SHINABE (_??__??_) under them, they used ZOKO and SHINABE. This connection between TOMOBE and ZOKO or SHINABE is very similar to that of chu-chih and tsa-hu(_??__??_) or kuan-hu (_??__??_) in the Tang period. Comparing those matters described above, we can find that our system of TOMOBE, ZOKO and SHINABE in RYO code had been transferred from the system of chu-chih, tsa-hu and kuan-hu in a code of Tang Dynasty.
Before the Reformation of the Taika era' TOMO-NO-MIYATSUKO (_??__??_), a chief of BE (_??_) which was a group of the people of special technical abilities, had serv-ed at the Imperial Household with the people of this group of BE. (BE (_??_) was also called SHINABE (_??__??_).) But at the time of the Reformation of the Taika it was abolished, and, as Chinese RITSURYO code introduced from China was established in Japan, TOMONO-MIYATSUKO came to be named TOMOBE and newly started as ZONIN in official system. SHINABE came to belong to each office with the people of ZOKO that system was also newly transferred from China. I think that the system of TOMO-NO-MIYATSUKO and SHINABE before the Reformation of the Taika era was not inherent in Japan but was influenced by the system of China. The reason of it is that pu-ch'ü (_??__??_), an origin of our BE, mainly came from the name of a supply section of people (the lowly), who belonged to a powerful clan of the Wei (_??_) Dynasty and the Chin (_??_) Dynasty, pu-ch'ü; and after that, a system of Liu-wai-kuan was made in Northern Wei (_??__??_);a system of chu-chih which accorded with Liu-wai-kuan was established in the Zui (_??_) Dynasty and in the Tang Dynasty ; and it is said that kuan-hu and tsa-hu which consisted of the people attached to each government office as exclusive laborers came to be recorded in history about a time of the Chin Dyn asty, and those systems were established in the last days of Zui Dynasty or at the time of the Tang Dynasty ; then, comparing changes of the system of Japan with those of China, we can see that the system of TOMO-NO-MIYATSUKO and BE (SHINABE) before the Reformation of the Taika era were established under the effect of the system of the powerful clan and pu-eh'ü in China.

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In this paper the author examines the process of forming the Risturyo Military system in Japan from the Taika-Kaisin (大化改新) in A.D.645 to the Taiho-Ritsuryo (大宝律令) in 701, in terms of the international relations of the Far East. The Ritsuryo military system-Gundan (軍団)-was formed through a series of reorganizations that institutionalized and homogenized the miscellaneous and uneven internal footing organization of the Kokuzo-gun (国造軍), which was mobilized by Kuni-no-miyatsuko (国造) in the former Taika era. At first the Taika military reorganization happened, namely constructing arms depots, Heiko (兵庫), in every Hyo (評; the regrouped Kuni-no-miyatsuko territory) and forming fifty household conscription units. This reorganization speeded up grouping in training, increased the number of enlistees, institutionalized the internal organization, and systematized the ranks and command in war. In this way, the Kokuzo-gun change over into the Hyozo-gun (評造軍). The second stage was the process of organizing the relief army for Kudara (百済). In this process the Tenchi (天智) government mobilized the army and drilled troops for the purpose of actual fighting under Soryo (総領)-Kokusai (国宰)-via the Hyo as the centralized military administrative organ, and organized the task force founded upon the mobilized army in the Soryo district. But, in the battle of Hakusukinoe (白村江), The broken fighting formation of the Japanese army was defeated by the superior Taug (唐) army. This defeat exposed the insufficient institutionalization of the Hyozogun's internal organization. In the third stage, during a cricis after the defeat, the Tenchi government took a posture of defense in the form of fortified Ki (城) day and night. The administrative organ of Soryo-Kokusai-Hyo was used as the organ of fortification. So it was reorganized into a military district for resistance, which was a copy of the Goho (五方) system in Kudara. Through these processes the local administrative organ was strengthed, and could firmly rule the People. The four stage was the military reorganization by the Tenmu-Jito (天武・持統) government. Its aim was to found an army able to maintain the compulsory tributary relation between Japan and Shiragi (新羅). The Government formed the Heiseikan (兵政官) as its military administrative organ to reform the existing army on the model of Taug army. The Government carried out this plan in stages. Its contents are as in the following. 1)Establishment of the honor guard system by armed officers, which was a stage setting for tributary etiquette and a supporting officer coros. 2)Establishiment of the system of common drill and censor according to a manual, whose aim was to institutionalize and homogenize the internal footing organization of the Hyozogun. 3) Establishiment of the system of the centralized state military, thus eleminating personal elements from the Hyozo-gun by placing such command instruments as drum, fife, and battle frag under government control, and starting conscription based upon family registers. Finally, when the Taiho-ritsuryo was promulgated, Gundan were established, to be commanded by Gunki (軍毅) with 1,000 military effectives. Gundan were not bound to Gun (郡) territories, however it was the ultimate aim the military footing organization be enbodied by Gundan, which would have a common internal organization, uniform scale, and homogeneous drill progrum.

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On the previous paper, Part 1, the State Chamber and the Halls of State of Asuka-kiyomihara and Fujiwara Imperial Palace were investigated. On this paper and the following paper, we would examine the examples of Daigokuden, Chodo and Daian-den, Nan-en in Heijo Imperial Palace. Main contents of this paper are as follows : 1) Daigoku-den and Chodo in the reign of the Empress Gemmei and the Empress Gensei (710〜724 A. D.). 2) Daigoku-den, Chodo and Daian-den, Nan-en, before the transfer of the capital to Kuni-kyo, in the reign of the Emperor Shomu (724〜740 A. D.).

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本稿は,日本出土の鉛釉陶について,個々の出土品と遺跡の性格,唐三彩陶に関してわが国出土品の特徴,入手経緯とその将来者などについて考察したものである。
(1)唐代鉛釉陶のわが国出土遺跡数は,2003年1月現在,40個所(内,盛唐以前の三彩陶は35個所),遺構数は52である。
(2)盛唐以前の三彩陶(唐三彩陶と表記する)は,a.寺院跡・11,b.古墓・祭祀遺跡・3,c.官衙跡・9,d.住居跡・12の各遺跡から検出され,1遺跡1片程度が大部分を占めており,これらは貿易陶瓷ではなく,将来陶瓷であることを示している。
(3)その器種は限定されており,陶枕・碗(杯)の小型品が多く,三足炉・長頸瓶などの中型品は主に寺院跡から発見されている。この他に,晩唐・五代期の三彩・二彩釉陶の小型品が検出されている。
(3)唐三彩陶の生産開始時期は,紀年銘共伴資料では670年代であるが,白瓷竜耳瓶など隋代から連続する器種の編年から考えると,遅くとも650年代,おそらくそれを遡上する7世紀第2四半期に出現した可能性がある。
(4)わが国への唐三彩陶の将来は,7世紀後半に廃棄された遺構が確認できるので,生産開始時期からほど遠くない時期に始まり,遣唐使節構成員によってもたらされた蓋然性がもっとも高い。
(5)寺院講堂跡付近などから三足炉の出土が多く,長頸瓶・火舎とともに寺の必需品であり,遣唐使関係者によって,意識的に将来されている。大安寺の大量の陶枕も目的的に将来されたものである。
(6)わが国出土品のうちで多くを占める陶枕・杯などの小型品は,1遺跡1点程度と少なく,唐三彩陶は偶然的・非目的的・単発的な要素が強く,単に「珍奇」・「珍異」な唐物であるにすぎない。
(7)郡衙など官衙跡の出土は,政庁域の周辺部の居住域からが多く,唐三彩陶が公的な所有物とは考えがたく,農山漁村の住居跡出土品と同様に私的な所有物とおもわれる。
(8)西国および東国に多い郡衙周辺の竪穴住居跡などの出土品は,水手・射手など,遣唐使節構成員のなかでの下級者が揚州などの市場において,土産物の一つとして購入したものと推測する。
(9)都城域の出土品については,盤など上層貴族への寄贈品と,小型品は史生・画師・けん従など遣唐使節の下級者の将来と考える。

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In the Ryo-no-Shuge in its present form are three volumes called the Ishitsu-Ryo-no-Shuge (異質令集解) which have a different commentary from that found elsewhere in the Ryo-no-Shuge (令集解). The authors of this article have examined the Ryo-no-Shuge to determine the value of the Ishitsu-Ryo-no-Shuge as research material for historians. This study has led the authors to the following conclusions : 1.The Ishitsu-Ryo-no-Shuge is in fact a compilation -but it is not the Ryo-shiki (令私記) written by Myoboka (明法家). 2.It originally was a commentary on a whole body of Ryo different from the Ryo-no-Shuge. 3.It was not said to have been compiled to make up for deficiencies in the Ryo-no-Shuge. 4.Its contents led the two authors of this article to conclude that it was compiled sometime in the early Heian Period. 5.It was used for the purpose of supplementing gaps in the Ryo-no-Shuge from the first year of Heiji (平治) (1159) to the first year of Bun'o (文応) (1260). By studying the relationship between the Ishitsu-Ryo-no-Shuge and similar commentaries the authors come to the tentative conclusion that the Ryo-no-Shuge was based on either a book which had been compiled to edit the Ryo-Ritsu-Mondo-Shiki (令律問答私記) which Nukada-no-Imatari (額田今足) had advised or on the Ryo-no-Gige (令義解) which had enlarged it.

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In Ancient Japan, the emperor's Procession was called robo 鹵簿. In China, Lu-bu 鹵簿 meant not only the procession of the emperor, but also those of other royalty and nobility. This paper examines how imperial authority in ancient Japan and Tang 唐 China was displayed robo and related ceremonies. The Code of Processions (Lu-bu-ling 鹵簿令) of the Tang dynasty was characterized by the system and the emperor's large-scale Procession. The former outlined the system of carriages (lu 輅) to transport the Tang emperor and the crown prince which differed according to the type of ceremonies. Other royalty and nobility rode in the same types of carriage in which the emperor rode. The Chinese vehicular system was a symbol of the fact that the Chinese emperor was at the top of the rites (li 礼) order, which included social position. Rites were fundamentally established during the Qin 秦 and Han 漢 dynasties to coordinate land, but became larger and wider in scale with many guards on the right and left sides of the Tang dynasty aiming at centralistic officialism and strengthening the emperor's dictatorship. At the same time, a huge number of guards stood in lines on the court yard where the important national ceremonies was held. The large-scale imperial Procession and a number of lines of guards in its ceremony signified that the emperor monopolized political and military authority in Tang China. In ancient Japan, the system of the Chinese emperor's procession was partly introduced, but the formation of the Japanese emperor's Procession and the vehicular system were unique from those of the Tang dynasty. The emperor was the only male person to ride the sedan chair (koshi 輿), other male royalty and nobility used different types of vehicules Furthermore, in the important national ceremonies at the Daigoku-den 大極殿 hall and in the court yard (dentei 殿庭), the emperor was served mainly by ladies of the court on the hall, while the male court stood on the court yard. The Procession and its ceremonies in ancient Japan expressed that the Japanese emperor was exceptional and transcendental from others, especially male royalty and nobility, indicating that the nature of imperial authority, in ancient Japan was basically different from that of the Tang dynasty.

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"Waka" came into existence in the middle of 7th century when the aristocratic society was established. It was extended among officers with whom the aristocracy associated. Then it spread, to town people and a lot of anonymous songs were collected in Manyoushu. These songs were composed by officers and town people who were not engaged in production directly. We could know the time when these arose by their appreciation of natural beauty or lyricism of fauna and flora in a garden. It was the time of the transfer of Heijo when beauty of nature became their favorite subject and it was Tempyo era when fauna and flora in a garden were appreciated. Therefore we could say anonymous songs were composed at the latter time of Manyoushu.

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This article examines one characteristic feature of Japanese bureaucracy in ancient times : shitokan 四等官, the ranked hierarchy of kami 長官(chief), suke 次官(deputy chief), jo 判官(office manager) and sakan 主典(clerk) that operated each bureau. The discussion is based on the ritsuryo code revisions of the early ninth century and documents pertaining to the eighth century. The day-to-day administrative affairs of the ritsuryo government's eight bureaus during the eighth and ninth centuries were conducted mainly by the lower three officials, with the bureau chief kami seldom participating. Most decisions were made by the deputy chief suke, but in important matters of government the kami would replace suke as decision maker, and in even more important matters conducted in the central government office, a minister of state would take over. In this administrative structure, the core unit of suke, jo, and sakan carried out their administrative duties either by themselves or by interacting with the kami or minister, depending on the importance of a given issue. This practice was based on the principle established in the seventh century that each bureaucrat of the fifth rank was to be put in charge of a group consisting of two types of administrators : matsurigotohito and fubito. On the other hand, a large difference existed between jo and sakan with respect to job responsibility. Jo were given a degree of decision-making authority, and in relatively minor tasks they directed sakan in making decisions. Furthermore, regarding the appointment of jo, most were the sons or grandsons of bureaucrats of fifth rank or higher, while offspring of bureaucrats of sixthrank or lower and non-bureaucrats never made it past the position of sakan. In other words, Japan's ritsuryo government was structured in such a way that sons of bureaucrats of sixth-rank or lower and sons of non-bureaucrats had difficulty obtaining decision-making authority. The eight bureaus were administered by fifth-ranked bureaucrats, and the kami class supervised the bureaus from above. Kami were imperially appointed officials, which gave them a much higher status than bureaucrats of suke and below. With their direct links to the emperor, the kami in turn linked the emperor to the bureaus that were managed by fifth-ranked bureaucrats. This administrative system dates back to the seventh century as well. In these ways, the four-ranks bureaucratic hierarchy of Japan's ritsuryo government may bear a surface resemblance to the Tang system, but its inner working were completely different; namely, it was fundamentally limited by kinship relations and rules of family descent that predated the ritsuryo government.

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The Shishin-den, the supreme hall of the Imperial Domicile (Dairi-seiden, 内裏正殿) in Heian-kyu, is described as Zen-den (前殿, the State Chamber) in the Nihon-kouki (one of the Rikkoku-shi, the authentic chronicles of Japan compiled by the central government between the 8th and the 9th centuries). The terms of Zen-den are also recorded in the Nihon-shoki and the Shoku-nihongi (one of the Rikkoku-shi) ; therefore the Shishin-den is supposed to have followed not only Dairi-seiden, but also Zen-den of the former ages. The aim of this study is to show the architectural characteristics of the original Shishin-den by investigating the histories of Zen-den and Dairi-seiden, on the basis of the Rikkoku-shi and the excavation of the ancient imperial palace site. In order to study these facts, however, it is necessary to show the relations between Zen-den and Daigoku-den (大極殿), Daian-den (大安殿), Chodo (朝堂, the Halls of State), which were the central buildings in the palace grounds. Therefore, another aim of this study is to investigate the relations between those buildings in each palace from Asuka-kiyomihara-kyu to Heian-kyu. As the terms of Zen-den and Chodo recorded in the Rikkoku-shi were referred to chinese terminology, we'd like to study the origin of those buildings and definitely show their characteristics by comparing them with the examples of Qiandian (前殿) and Zhaotang (朝堂) of the ancient imperial palace in China. On this paper, Part 1, the State Chamber and the Halls of State of Asuka-kiyomihara-kyu and Fujiwara-kyu have been investigated. The results obtained from this study are as follows : 1) Daigoku-den described in the chapter of the Emperor Tenmu of the Nihon-shoki is supposed to have been the identical building with Daian-den of Asuka-kiyomihara-kyu which was the supreme hall of Nai-cho, or the residential part of the Imperial Palace. 2) The original Daigoku-den in Japan was built at Fujiwara-kyu as Zen-den, that is, the State Chamber of Chucho, or the formal part of the Imperial Palace, imitating Taijidian (太極殿) in Chang'an capital in the Tang age. 3) Both Chodo of Asuka-kiyomihara and Fujiwara Imperial Palace were used not only as halls for official ceremonies and banquets, but also as chambers for administering State affairs.

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