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  • 小石川後楽園得仁堂に関する考察 その1
    奥村 俊道, 勝又 英明
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 737 号 1783-1792
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/07/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper is a study on the construction and subsequent history of Tokujin-do at Koishikawa Korakuen Garden, a site designated as a Special Historic Site and a Place of Special Scenic Beauty, located in Bunkyo Ward in Tokyo. Tokujin-do was reroofed and partially repaired from December 2012 to March 2014, during which time the building was examined from both an architectural and historical point of view.
     Until now, Tokujin-do was thought to have been built by Tokugawa Mitsukuni (1628-1701), the second feudal lord of Mito Domain, as a worship hall dedicated solely to Boyi and Shuqi, two ancient Chinese wise men he revered. However, historical sources have revealed that it was actually rebuilt during the period of July 1665 (Kanbun 5) to January 1668 (Kanbun 8) to enshrine the images of Boyi and Shuqi, which had originally been placed in Isei-do, together with the image of Taibo formerly enshrined in Shitoku-do. Furthermore, after the death of Mitsukuni, the name of the building was changed firstly to Koshi-do, then to Shaka-do. After 1718 (Kyoho 3), the name was changed again to Hachiman-do when the God Hachiman was transferred from Sanuki, the hometown of Munetaka, who was the fourth feudal lord of Mito Domain. Later in 1820 (Bunsei 3), the building enshrined solely the images of Boyi and Shuqi, changing its name once again to Tokujin-do. At this time, the images of Boyi and Shuqi together with the image of Taibo, which had until then been stored in a different place, were lost in a fire; thereafter the images of Boyi and Shuqi were made anew.
     As stated above, so far, the changes made to Tokujin-do have by and large been revealed purely from the analysis of historical sources and not from an architectural study of the building itself. Therefore, the building was architecturally examined with a focus on and around the alcove where the images were enshrined in order to shed light on the history of Tokujin-do. The following points were made clear in the study. 1. At the time of construction, the width of the frontage of the alcove was 2 bays with one circular pillar to the east of the center of the building. The western side of the alcove was wide and shelves were placed on the eastern side. 2. In the mid-Edo period, the alcove was renovated by replacing the original circular pillars with 2 new circular pillars and changing the width of the frontage to 1 bay. 3. In the late Edo period, the ornamental beam was raised and the sheets of timber that constituted the side walls were removed. 4. The renovation process of the alcove is not inconsistent with the placement and removal of the images that occurred according to historical sources.
     From this study, it is evident that the history of the enshrined images and the renovation process in and around the alcove is divided into 3 periods: 1. At the time of construction from 1665 to 1668 (Kanbun 5 to 8): Taibo, Boyi, Shuqi 2. From 1718 (Kyoho 3) onward: God Hachiman 3. From 1820 (Bunsei 3) to the present: Boyi, Shuqi.
  • ―『新撰万葉集』の歌と詩―
    呉 衛峰
    比較文学
    2014年 56 巻 7-19
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    Shinsen Man’yōshū is the first anthology of waka (tanka) in the Heian period, compiled in the last decade of the 9th century. It is well-known that there is a kanshi (qiyan jueju: four-lined seven-syllabic regulated verse in classical Chinese) in tandem with every waka, forming waka-kanshi pairs.

     Although the two sides of the pairs share many similarities in content, the kanshi are not translations of the waka. This paper focuses on the differences in the images of seclusion of the pairs, especially those including expressions about mountains.

     On the waka’s side, secluding into mountains refers to Buddhist practice, whereas on the kanshi’s side, it usually represents an ideal haven for Taoist hermits. This Buddhism vs. Taoism comparison shows that the purpose of the compiler(s) and kanshi composer(s) was to present a comparative perspective of the two literary traditions, as we know from the first volume’s preface that the kanshi were composed after the waka’s compilation.

     The perspective achieved above should not be limited within Shinsen Man'yōshū. It offers us insight into the Heian poets’ comprehension of the waka-kanshi correlation. Therefore, it is fully viable to apply the perspective in the explanation of waka in Kokin Wakashū, which was compiled about ten years later than Shinsen Man’yōshū .

  • 清水 浩子
    佛教文化学会紀要
    2005年 2005 巻 14 号 145-159
    発行日: 2005/11/03
    公開日: 2009/08/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小石川後楽園得仁堂に関する考察 その2
    奥村 俊道, 勝又 英明
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2018年 83 巻 745 号 525-534
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper is a study based on surveys conducted for Tokujin-do at Koishikawa Korakuen Garden, a site designated as a Special Historic Site and a Place of Special Scenic Beauty, located in Bunkyo Ward in Tokyo. Tokujin-do was reroofed and partially repaired from December 2012 to March 2014 during which time traces and marks left in the building were examined and historical materials were analysed.
     A separate study discusses Tokujin-do from a historical point of view while also investigating the changes made to the alcove and the images which it enshrined. However, previous studies which focus mainly on the early modern period have not examined changes that occurred thereafter. Furthermore, there is no reference to an architectural examination of the building other than its alcove. Since the latest surveys conducted for the building have revealed that parts of the roof and some of the fixtures had been renovated during and after the late modern period, this study will analyse the survey results and summarize the changes made to Tokujin-do from its construction to the present.
     Based on this study, the changes made to Tokujin-do can be summarized as follows. (1) Tokujin-do was constructed during the period of 1665 and 1669 (Kanbun 5-9) to enshrine the images of Tai Bo, Boyi and Shuqi. It is possible that vegetal materials were used for the roof covering. (2) During the period of 1700 and 1702 (Genroku 13-15), the building changed its name firstly to Koshi-do, then to Shaka-do. Tile roofing was used at this point. (3) After 1718 (Kyoho 3), the name was changed to Hachiman-do and the alcove was made smaller. This was also when the images of Tai Bo, Boyi and Shuqi were transferred to a different place. (4) In 1820 (Bunsei 3), when the building was renamed Tokujin-do once again, the frontage of the alcove was widened to hold the newly created images of Boyi and Shuqi. Thereafter, the building and images were partially repaired during the Edo period. (5) During the first half of the Meiji period (1868-1887), extensive repair works took place, which involved the dismantling of the roof truss, frame and its surroundings as well as the floor face. The roof covering was made with shingles. (6) From then on until this day, the building has been repeatedly reroofed using different roofing material such as iron sheets and copper sheets.
     This study examines Tokujin-do from historical sources as well as from surveys and an analysis of the building itself. The findings from the paper will not only help explain the importance of Tokujin-do in relation to Confucianism architecture, but should also contribute to further studies of garden design history as well as in the fields of politics, philosophy and religion.
  • 多和田 潤治
    那須野が原博物館紀要
    2007年 3 巻 1 号 25-34
    発行日: 2007/03/01
    公開日: 2020/02/13
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 大沼 美雄
    那須野が原博物館紀要
    2006年 2 巻 1 号 51-68
    発行日: 2006/02/25
    公開日: 2020/02/13
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 岡田 栄照
    印度學佛教學研究
    1978年 27 巻 1 号 360-363
    発行日: 1978/12/31
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――『桂川地蔵記』の考察を起点として――
    佐倉 由泰
    日本文学
    2014年 63 巻 7 号 45-57
    発行日: 2014/07/10
    公開日: 2019/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    応永二十三年(一四一六)七月、桂川のほとりに、地蔵菩薩の石像が忽然と現れたという。その地蔵菩薩像の「示現」が巻き起こした祝祭の渦を描き出した『桂川地蔵記』は顧みられることの稀な書であるが、その記述には、室町時代の真名をめぐるリテラシーとレトリックの水準の高さが現れている。この真名表記テキストは、類書、往来物としての本質を生かし、名詞の列叙、用言の列叙を駆使して、世界の豊かさ、活力と秩序を表象している。そこには、吏の漢学から類書・往来物の漢学へと展開した数百年にわたる知の伝統が息づいている。この広範に流通した知の系脈の内実と意義を捉えることは、古代から中世に至る日本の表現史、文化史、学問史の帰趨を明らかにする上で不可欠である。

  • 五島 聖子, 藤井 英二郎, 白井 彦衛
    ランドスケープ研究
    1998年 62 巻 3 号 272-279
    発行日: 1999/01/30
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    これまでの小石川後楽園に関する研究では,もともと後楽園の大泉水の池尻は北東方向に向けられていたことが指摘されているが, その背景については明らかにされていない。そこで本論文では,大泉水を中心とする水系の変更の背景について, 現在残されている後楽園に関する文献と絵図をもとに考察した。その結果, 後楽園の水景の変更は, 元禄期から享保期にかけて起こった天災に起因すると考えられ, それに伴い「渡月橋」の位置も変更されたと考えられる。また, 江戸中期に記された『遊後楽園記並序』や同時期に描かれた絵図により, 大泉水の中島は, 江戸時代中期ごろまでは現在と異なる形状であった, と推定した。
  • 三枝 秀子
    日本橋学館大学紀要
    2011年 10 巻 122-134
    発行日: 2011/03/01
    公開日: 2018/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は唐代における陶淵明受容研究の一環として、盛唐の王維詩に見える「悠然」の語について検討したものである。この「悠然」の語は、陶淵明の「飲酒二十首」その五の「悠然として南山を見る」に見えるものである。この「悠然」には様々な問題があり、筆者は、かつてそれらの論考を整理し、さらに「悠然」について検討を加えたことがある。その際、調査の対象を陶淵明以前の詩文に限定して行った。その後、陶淵明よりも後の時代の「悠然」が如何に詠まれているのか調査することが必要だと考え、まず、王維詩における「悠然」の言葉の検討を試みるに至った。王維は、陶淵明の影響を受けた人物であることは周知のことである。王維詩には計三例の「悠然」が見え、三首にそれぞれ一例ずつある。三首のうち二首には明らかに陶淵明の影響を見ることができるのだが、同詩に用いられている「悠然」は陶淵明の用法とは異なる意味で用いられている。この点から筆者は、王維は陶淵明と異なる用法をあえて用いることにより、王維自身の「寂寞」の境地を詩に表現したのではないかと考えた。
  • 李 偉
    ランドスケープ研究
    2005年 68 巻 5 号 373-376
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2006/05/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    Former studies on Koishigawa Koraku-en garden have traced its historical transformation and have obtained good outcomes in investigating its design, and the arrangement and characteristic of its parts. However, these researches have been concentrated on the internal landscape of the garden and the examination of the idea aspect that it bears. The location of Koraku-en and the scenery viewing from the garden have rarely been discussed. Whether or not there is viewing scenery is not only a matter that concerns the appreciations of the garden but also exerts influences on the usage of the garden and the owner's view towards the garden. Without the elucidation of this issue, I suppose that on no account we could properly evaluate the structure and design of Koraku-en. Based on documentary records, especially historical sources written in Chinese, this study examines the location of Koraku-en and discusses whether or not there were acts of viewing towards the outside of the garden and intentional uses of borrowed scenery (Shakkei) in Koraku-en's early days.
  • 大戸 千之
    西洋古典学研究
    1983年 31 巻 54-65
    発行日: 1983/03/30
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the most conspicuous features of the historical thought of Polybius is the fact that he places emphasis on both rationalism and the role of Tyche. In his history the word τυχη appears on no less than 137 occasions, 106 of which show his own judgment regarding Tyche. While a unanimously acceptable classification is impossible, it would appear that the word is used 13 times to mean Providence or the purposive power working toward a definite goal, and 31 times to indicate the capricious power working for instability in human affairs. He admits in several passages that chance(Tyche) could contribute to history, but in other passages insists that to talk of chance is a poor explanation. There has been much discussion as to why he was inconsistent regarding this matter. We consider that it might be understood if we look at his political career. He saw too many cases where fortunes were suddenly and sensationally reversed, the cause of which it was impossible to explain. However, to acknowledge the power of Tyche is not to give up every effort. He insists that those who engage in politics should do their best with sound judgment and rational calculation. Here he stands within the Greek tradition of rationalism. To make this point clear, we tried to compare Polybius with Ssu-ma Ch'ien, a Chinese historian who was born half a century later. We can find many parallels between them. Ssu-ma Ch'ien regarded the study of the past as essentially a means of attaining practical ends by learning lessons. In a short essay at the end of the Basic Annals of Emperor Kao-tsu, he characterizes the governmental principle of the first three dynasties, the Hsia, Shang and Chou, and demonstrates the cyclical theory of history. He makes frequent references to the so-called "Mandate of Heaven", but in some cases expounds the opposite view that men's failures are due primarily to their own faults and may not be attributed to Heaven. It has of ten been noticed that he was afflicted by the problem of the caprice or injustice of Heaven, and he wrote the famous Memoir on Po I and Shu Ch'i, which reminds us of the episode in Polybius(XXXII, 4,3). However, we cannot find such rationalism as Polybius' in Ssu-ma Ch'ien. His Shih-chi or Records of the Historian was intended primarily as a guide to moral conduct. He emphasizes the importance of virtue or high-mindedness, and writes as if most events were caused by psychological motives. We also noticed many accounts about the movements of stars, and pointed out that those of Polybius are astronomical while those of Ssu-ma Ch'ien are astrological. The contrast between them shows that they stand within different traditions.
  • 呼称語を中心として
    荘司 格一
    中国語学
    1971年 1971 巻 209 号 1-10
    発行日: 1971/05/15
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤原 克己
    日本文学
    1979年 28 巻 7 号 21-32
    発行日: 1979/07/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西谷 博之
    比較文学
    1977年 20 巻 28-37
    発行日: 1977/12/25
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     “Eikyo” and “Gyujin”, published in 1942, are both based on Chinese classics. “Eikyo” is the story of Prince Kaigai’s life including his exile. The protagonist Soko,who was compelled to realize the few remaining days of his life, does nothing but try to indulge in as many pleasures as possible before the dark prophecy of his future is fulfilled. -We can see the strong influence of Walter Pater’s estheticism in Soko’s way of life.

     On the other hand,in “Gyujin” which depicts the life of Minister Shykusou Hyō there is the influence of Kafka’s existentialism. His irrational death is probably the first one in Japanese literature. After all these two works by Nakajima may be regarded as unique in the history of Japanese literature.

  • 荒木 浩
    中世文学
    1988年 33 巻 66-79
    発行日: 1988年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 兼好を中心として
    竹内 明
    教育学研究
    1975年 42 巻 1 号 21-30
    発行日: 1975/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 韓 寧爛
    日本歌謡研究
    2015年 55 巻 75-94
    発行日: 2015/12/30
    公開日: 2020/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桜井 好朗
    日本文学
    1965年 14 巻 10 号 757-770
    発行日: 1965/10/01
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川口 雅昭
    人間と環境
    2017年 8 巻 107-124
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    吉田松陰における「生」の意義、また、松陰がどのような「死」を理想と認識していたかを 論考した。  その結果、松陰における「生」の意義は、「義」の実践にこそある。これは『孟子』を中心と する古代中国の経書より学んだ。また、志士的活動に失敗を重ね、教育的活動に目を向けざる を得なかった松陰には、政治的活動に失敗を重ね、教育的成功を収めた孟子は、「憧憬」の対象 にまで高められた。また、吾が国の先哲では楠木正成を理想として、それは、「同一化」のレベ ルにまで意識された。  一方、「義」の実践の結果、迎えるであろう「死」に関し、松陰が理想としたのは、これまで の研究で、是とされてきた「従容の死」ではなく、「慷慨の死」である。これは『靖献遺言』に ある謝枋得の漢詩からの造語と思われる。松陰の言葉でいえば、「従容の死」=「苦死」、「慷慨 の死」=「甘死」であること等を解明した。
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