筆者は、首都図書館編輯『太学文献大成』（一九九六年。北京・学苑出版社）に収められた『皇明太学志』の翻刻を試みている。巻十一の後半には祭酒ほか国子監官に就任した人物の一覧が記されており、一部を『人間と環境』電子版一五（二〇一八年三月）に掲載した。本稿は、それにつづく部分である。以下、黒塗りの文字は■、不明な文字は□、字数も不明な場合は……で示した。

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In China, although coal has been mined for a long time and at present continues to be a staple fuel, there remain some historical problems of price, business management, and scale. The coal mining began in the Qianlong (乾隆) era, when the management of mines began in earnest. In the eighteenth century China confronted many problems on account of economic expansion and contact with Europe. These include development, kinship, money, food, and bureaucracy, all of which are topics of scholarly concern today. A population explosion especially became grave, and accompanying this, demands for resources rose, and new industries for daily necessities developed, namely pottery, tile, and brewing. As for fuel, a necessity for daily life and industry, the traditional fuels of firewood and charcoal fell into short supply, on account of the depletion of forests during and after the Song (宋) period. Meanwhile, they adopted an reforesting policy, but this was ineffective. Hence, there emerged an inclination toward mining. From the end of the Ming (明) period, firewood and charcoal were gradually replaced by coal, but because of the so-called Kuang-Shui-zhi-Huo (鉱税之禍), damages caused by mining and taxes, most people had a negative view of mine development, due to the disturbances by eunuches and villainies. Hence, from the beginning of the Qing (清) period to the middle of the Qianlong era, there emerged, on a nationwide scale, a controversy regarding mine exploitation or stoppage. In the end, this controversy ended in a victory for the exploitation party, but even earlier than this the controversy regarding coal mines was solved in 1740 (乾隆5). The leading actor was Zhao Guo-lin (趙国麟), the grand secretary. Arguing that (1)one cannot do without fuel in daily life, (2)firewood is apt to be ill provided and, moreover, expensive, and (3)in Taian (泰安), his native town, they had coal mining for a long time, without problems, Zhao insisted on exploitation and was impervious to argument. After that, mines were exploited extensively in many places, but in Zhili (直隷), the Independent District, which included the Capital, supply was apt to stagnate, because of problems caused by the blockade for pooling and the shortage of transport. The man who dealt with this was Fang Guan-cheng (方観承), the Supreme Commander at Zhili. He shaped a policy that aimed to increase the mines and to secure transport teams. As a result, early coal mining in China reached its first peak, but because of the edicts on mining which were announced many times on and after 1761 (乾隆26), it is doubtful whether policies were effective or not. From the perspective of management in the system of running mines, they reduced the red tape required in reporting to the center. One of the investors (including the landowner) proceeded to manage by registering as yaohu (窯戸), receiving zhizhao (執照) from the Administration Commissioner, and employing native laborers only. Yaohu employed a field overseer who managed a coal mine, and laborers were employed on a per diem basis. But the influential investors, such as banners and bureaucrats, absorbed most of the profit, and most of the laborers were seasonal peasant workers, so that there was no rationalization of management, no technological innovation, and no expansion. Therefore, they adopted chiefly a method which exploited one small-scale mine after another.

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When looking back on the history of pre-modern local school education in China, one finds that the Northern Song period marked an important turning point, in that the central government adopted a policy to facilitate establishing local schools and planned to establish the school system as a major route to entering the bureaucracy. As to the purpose of such a plan, one possibility is an attempt to standardize the cultivation and training of scholar-officials, an explanation that has already been pointed out in the research to date focusing on the history of education, in general, and the Imperial Examination System, in particular. However, there is another side to the issue, in that the school education system was primarily an ideal institution, meaning that it should be considered from the view of new ideological currents developing during the Song period which aimed at restoring ancient political ideas. The present article takes up this alternative view, focusing on ceremonies conducted in local schools in honor of venerable sages of the past, in order to discover their rationale utilizing mainly traditional interpretations of the Confucian classics and clarifying the receptivity of the scholar officials of the period to local school education. The analysis produces the following conclusions. To begin with, the concept of shidian 釈奠, a ceremony worshipping Confucius and his followers initially held at the shrine to Confucius during the latter part of the Tang period, gradually changed its venue to the schools during the mid-Northern Song period, at a time when the shrine to Confucius and the school were consciously differentiated ritual spaces conceptually. Secondly, the concept of xianshi 先師 (eminent scholars of the past) changed from specialists in one classic of the Tang period to signifying those who had acquired the true way and virtue through their interpretations of the Zhou-li 周礼. Next, a new interpretation that "all shidian possess he 合" as stated in the Liji 礼記 also appeared, despite the fact that some scholars justified enshrining local venerable sages by using older interpretations. In particular, Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁 criticized the universal enshrinement of Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤, insisting on a principle of ritual for the spirits of one's ancestors. Finally, the concept of xiang-xiansheng 郷先生 (eminent local scholars) found in the Yili 儀礼 evolved during the late Southern Song period into a justification for the enshrinement of local venerable sages of the past at local schools.

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