The author attempt to look at the way the Tenno dominated the people and society in ancient Japanese through a study of the Kuraryo (内蔵寮), the royal finance office, that existed before the ritsuryo (律令) regime was set up in Japan and was included in the ritsuryo bureaucracy. The allocating function of the Kuraryo had two characteristic features. The first is when the Tenno ordered the Okurasho (大蔵省) to allocate something, it was necessary to issue a document called Daijokanpu (太政官符). On the other hand, in the case of expenditures from the Kuraryo, the personal will of the Tenno was carried out directly under the provision of Ho-kuchoku-sakumotsu (奉口勅索物 : spoken orders of Tenno requiring some material or other) without passing through the Daijokan (太政官) or the Nakatsukasasho (中務省). The second has to do with items of expenditure. The Tenno bestowed government officials with gyofuku (御服) stored in the Kuraryo (clothing originally belonging to the Tenno) at sechie (節会: seasonal court banquets), or offers up mitekura (幣 : clothing for shrines) from the Kuraryo at shrine festivals, etc. These facts show that the Kuraryo contributed to uniting the governing classes through the giving of gyofuku, uniting the common people in shrine festivals, through the medium of the personality of Tenno. This is in marked contrast to the Okurasho, which unified the state financially through the medium of abstract and bureaucratic organs. Generally, state unity in ancient Japan is maintained by both bureaucratic organs and the personality of Tenno. Not only Kuraryo but also other domestic offices of the Tenno belonging to the Nakatsukasasho (中務省) and Kunaisho (宮内省) played important roles in the Tenno's personal role. In the Nara period, such functions of personal unification covered a wide range of state authority in spite of its diffuse and temporary nature. But in the early Heian period, especially the Konin era, it came to the surface in the state systems under a changed form. For example, from that times, gifts to government officials at sechie gatherings changed from gyofuku in the Kuraryo to clothing in the Okurasho in the form of allowances. On the other hand, gyofuku in the Kuraryo was given symbolically to officials only a sechie held on New Years Day, or was limited to upper-class aristocrats closely related to the Tenno at naien (内宴 : January inner court banquet) and rinji-en (臨時宴 : temporary banquets). These facts show that the whole bureaucracy as a governing classes was reorganized through the medium of abstract laws and institutions, and only upperclass aristocrats were united through the personality of the Tenno. The same phenomena are observed in hobei (offering of clothes) from the Kuraryo to shrines of clans related to Tenno by blood and to tombs of former Tennos. Nevertheless, considering hobei from Kuraryo for shrine festivals like the Kamo-no-matsuri (賀茂祭) established in the early Heian period, it was still necessary to create fields in which the personality of the Tenno was dominant in order to make the people recognize the legitimacy that the Tenno is authority, though rule impersonal bureaucratic domination was becoming more and more dominant during that time.

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綸旨は天皇の意を奉じた文書で、奉書の一種である。奉書は、上級者の意を奉じた側近者が文書として書き記し、側近者の名によって他者に差し出した書状形式の文書である。
八世紀の正倉院文書の中では、天皇・上皇・皇后の命令は口頭で、命令を受けた者が宣し、それを官人などが伝達するという方法が取られている。天皇・上皇・皇后の命令を直接奉じて書かれた文書はほとんどないと言ってよい。また、命令を伝達する文書は必ずしも書状形式ではない。律令制下における天皇の命令伝達については、内侍司が行うことになっているが、弘仁元年(八一〇)に設置された蔵人所が、九世紀末から十世紀初めに組織と機能を拡大すると、奏宣機能は内侍から蔵人へ吸収された。蔵人の奏宣の多くは口頭で行われるが、蔵人が天皇の命令を書状にして伝える例もある。平安中期の実例を日記からみていくと、蔵人が天皇の命令を記した書状は「仰書」と呼ばれ、奉書のものもあること、後世の綸旨にはみられない内容のものがあること、『左経記』の後一条朝になると、奉書としての書止文言がみえるようになることなどが指摘できる。
一方、文書としての綸旨の初見は後一条朝であり、これらのことから、後一条朝に綸旨の書式が成立したと考えられる。八、九世紀における天皇の命令伝達法と比較すると、綸旨の成立によって、天皇の命令は奉者である蔵人自身が書き記すようになり、天皇の命令は仲介者を介さずに、より直接的に伝達されるようになったと言える。その背景には、太政官の縮小と蔵人所の拡大による官方・蔵人方の成立という朝廷の政治機構の家政機関化が存在した。家政機関は院や三位以上の貴族などにも設置されるのであり、家政機関の頂点に位置する主君の意を側近者が奉じて書き記す奉書は、中世には綸旨以外にも院宣や御教書という形式で発達し、下文とともに権門の発給文書としての地位を確立していった。

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The present article deals with the methodology of considering the functional aspects of formal documentary styles in discussing the transformation that occurred in document forms in ancient and medieval Japan. The discussion focuses on the typically "medieval" form known as migyosho 御教書, a directive issued by a top ranking aristocratic (3^<rd> rank and above), written in the form of a letter and sent by his secretary. First the author takes up the ancient document form known as cho 牒, an initially ignored Chinese form of communication between officials of different government and religious organizations, arguing that migyosho functioned much like cho, except for the former's appearance as private correspondence. Next, the author distinguishes between the different usages of "private" cho between those directives directly issued (jikijo 直状) from the hands of aristocrats and those written by their secretaries (hosho 奉書), and points to the revision of the ritsuryo codes in AD 804 which recognized the legality of a document called keishi-cho 家司牒, which was signed by an aristocrat's secretary (keishi 家司) in his name and was based on the custom of aristocrats not bothering to sign day-to-day clerical documents. This revision, according the author, marked the origin of migyosho. Finally, the discussion turns to research the done to date, arguing that there has been a failure to distinguish between the use of migyosho as an historical term and as an analytical term, resulting in emphasis on the document's function, instead of its pre-defined hosho form. Therefore, since 1) the historical existence of "migyosho" cannot be traced back any earlier than the tenth century and 2) the last vestige of "private" cho appeared during the last half of the ninth century, the author hypothesizes that a transition between the two document forms probably took place between the late ninth and early tenth century. The paper concludes with the overall view that from as early as the Nara Period, the official documentation stipulated by the ritsuryo codes did not suit the day-to-day clerical tasks of administration, resulting in confusion about document forms. Then, during the late ninth century with a growing appreciation and understanding of "things Chinese, such document forms as kokusho 告書 and cho were reorganized in the process of the transition to medieval-style documentation. One of the social factors in the reorganization was the central role that would be played by documents in claiming and legitimizing power and authority.

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What is discussed in this essay is the structure of the Shosho-Betto 所々別当 system which functioned during the Heian Period. In the function of the Shosho-Betto, the following three elements can be enumerated. First, they appointed, under the Emperor, the staff of the Shosho 所々, which means they themselves organized the Shosho system. Secondly, they assumed ultimate responsibility for the Emperor in the management of the service records of the staffs they appointed. Lastly, they supervised the work of the Shosho, without becoming involved in the usual management which was to be done in the Shosho offices, but representing the offices in outside world, for instance before the Emperor, various departments and the provincial authorities. In this regard, the Shosho-Betto were distinct from the department heads 諸司長官 under Ritsuryo Law. On this point of super vision duties, the Shosho-Betto appear to bear a resemblance to the Emperor himself during the period. Tenjojisin 殿上侍臣, the Emperor's entourage, and the konoe-Jisho 近衛次将, the vice-ministers of the Imperial Guard, which attended near by the Emperor, were appointed to Shosho-Betto during the first half of the 9th century. This means that the Shosho were controlled until that period by the Emperor and those linked to him by blood or by personal trust. That is to say, the Shosho, the patrimonial machinery of the Emperor, were controlled by the upper circle of the Court with the Emperor in the centre. However the Kurodo 蔵人, the secretary to the Emperor, came to be appointed to new Shosho-Betto posts, which were instituted from the second half of the 9th century. Here we see a remarkable change in the worth of the Shosho. In other words, there developed a new phase of the Shosho-Betto; the Emperor began to manage the Shosho directly through the Kurodo, while the united upper circle of the Court were relieved of the duty. This means that there developed a notion that the patrimonial machinery of the Emperor should be controlled by he himself. It is said the Emperor became one of the political elites of the period Kenmon 権門, expanding his personal patrimony during the latter half of the Heian Period. Taking our discussion into consideration, the starting point for this tendency can be ascribed to the latter half of the 9th century, during which time the Emperor's personal patrimonial machinery came into being.

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