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  • 工業化学雑誌
    1925年 28 巻 3 号 331-342
    発行日: 1925/03/05
    公開日: 2011/09/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中島 茂
    人文地理
    1990年 42 巻 6 号 483-502
    発行日: 1990/12/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    As a result of the rapid expansion of the cotton textile production in the Izumi Region, the production in Osaka Prefecture grew and led the national textile production from the 1900's to the 1920's. At that time a lot of medium and small textile factories were established and the cotton textile industry was formed in the Izumi Region. In this paper, the author investigates what kind of farmers became textile factory owners, the driving force for the industrialization of the rural area in Senboku-gun during the Meiji-Taisho Eras, and also explains the factors which contributed to the differences between the distribution pattern of the “Shiro-Momen” (non-dyed cotton cloth) factories and that of the cotton blanket factories in the same area. The results are as follows:
    From an analysis of the imposition lists on the household tax (a kind of local tax at that time) at 4 villages, It can be seen that the main class of the textile factory owners were small landlords or landed farmers who owned 5-20 tan (1 tan is about a fourth acre). And as one approaches the inland villages of Hakata-son, Sinoda-son and Gosho-son away from the coastal village Kamijo-son, it can be seen that the main axis of the class rises from 5 tan to 5-10 tan or 10-20 tan. It seems that the economic structure of those villages is certainly reflected in the appearance of many textile factories.
    The textile factories were not distributed uniformly in the rural area. The number of factories varied greatly from settlement to settlement in the same village. It seems that the response to the textile industry was influenced not only by the economic situation at each settlement, but also by the villager's sense or the presence of a pioneer at each settlement. Also it shows a tendency for the factories to specialize in one product at each settlement, and the cotton blanket factories increased more and more at settlements nearer to Otsu-son.
    The “Shiro-Momen” factories which spread out widely to the south of Senboku-gun, rapidly increased after the late 1900's. The geographical location was a main reason for the increase in this area, and, consequently the conditions for establishing textile factories were fostered at that time. There were two main conditions in this area: The first was that the small landlords or landed farmers who were short of funds were helped to establish factories by developing or diffusing the cheap power looms and motors in this region. The other was that a lot of the small landlords or landed farmers who would become textile factory owners lived in this area.
    It seems that the distribution of the cotton blanket factories were restricted within the surrounding area of Otsu-son because of production techniques and their functional relation to the cotton blankets. Exactly speaking, production system of the blankets had a more complicated division of labor than the“Shiro-Momen”production. Also, Otsu-son was the birthplace and the center of blanket production. Therefore, we may presume that the conditions of transportation and communication prevented the distribution of those factories from expanding far from Otsu-son at that time. Also, another factor is that the smaller farmers in this area could enter into the business, because even small scale weaving of the cotton blankets certainly made profits.
  • 中島 茂
    経済地理学年報
    1982年 28 巻 4 号 296-313
    発行日: 1982/12/20
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―下水処理構想の挫折と農村還元処分の拡大―
    星野 高徳
    経営史学
    2014年 48 巻 4 号 4_29-4_53
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2016/03/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    After 1910, urbanization and increased use of other fertilizers resulted in the loss of the value of human waste as compost. The night soil recycling networks of Osaka, formed in the early modern period, collapsed and the city was forced to provide human waste dis-posal as a municipal service.
    Previous studies on the transition to this municipal service have shown that improve-ments in hygiene conditions in Japan came later than in Western countries because Japa-nese cities depended on systems of human waste recycling networked with suburban farming villages.
    However, Takeshi Nagashima compared statistical data of Osaka with that of Tokyo and raised questions about the effect of Osaka’s modern sewage disposal system. According to this study, Osaka’s typhoid morbidity rate in the 1930s was higher than that of Tokyo, which placed an emphasis on the night soil recycling system. In short, the sewage disposal system built in Osaka did not provide a fundamental solution, and problems of infectious disease persisted for a long time. Regarding reasons for this, Nagashima pointed out the city’s financial limitations but did not examine the more concrete problems Osaka faced when creating its sewage disposal system.
    Thus, this paper focuses on Osaka’s night soil disposal plan and examines obstacles encountered when building a modern sewage disposal system as well as factors that pro-longed the city’s continued sanitation problems.
    After human waste disposal became stagnant in the city center, the government revised the Filth Cleaning Law on May 17, 1930. The revised law included human waste as part of cities’ waste disposal obligations. After this revision, Osaka considered the construction of a sewage disposal system to be a more important municipal measure than its human waste removal service. However, despite the city’s plan, Osaka’s residents were opposed to such a measure because they were reluctant to spend much money on flush toilet installation. Therefore, the measure was ineffective in solving the city’s waste disposal problems.
    In the end, Osaka was entrusted with the final disposal of human waste. Because the measure preserved the livelihoods of night soil peddlers and reduced the city’s waste dis-posal cost, the city cooperated with Osaka Prefecture and agricultural associations to build human waste storage tanks, thereby intervening in the process of human waste disposal. As a result, the city of Osaka supplied human waste to many surrounding farming villages in the prefecture, simultaneously relieving its human waste problems.
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