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  • 村井 章介
    学術の動向
    2011年 16 巻 10 号 10_37-10_39
    発行日: 2011/10/01
    公開日: 2012/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 夏 歓
    社会経済史学
    2021年 87 巻 3 号 269-295
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/12/18
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 中島 楽章
    社会経済史学
    2013年 79 巻 1 号 117-119
    発行日: 2013/05/25
    公開日: 2017/05/17
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 真栄平 房昭
    交通史研究
    2008年 67 巻 61-76
    発行日: 2008/12/31
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「東西洋考」に記された航路の歴史地理学的考察
    別技 篤彦
    地理学評論
    1959年 32 巻 2 号 57-69
    発行日: 1959/02/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tong-si-yang-Kao which was compiled in the Ming-dynasty (the latter part of the 16 th Cent.) is a landmark of great importance in the history of traffic and communications of the South Seas. It has, from time to time, been referred to by students of Oriental History both in the East and West and the navigation-routes and plate-names appearing in this document have been variously studied and discussed by them, but there are many questions to be solved, For instance, almost no geographic interpretation has been advanced as to why such and such a course was taken at such and such a period of time. Again the study of the place-names in the past are still controversial in many respects. From the standpoint of Historical Geography, I have re-examined the navigation routes by taking the geographical factors into consideration, on the basis of many large scale charts and the Pilot books which are indispensable to the study of navigation-routes. The navigation-routes which I have treated here are those in the western part of Malaysia recorded in the “Western route” (_??_) of this document.
    In this thesis, I have tried to give the results of the study on the following three courses only.
    (1) From eastern coast of Malay Peninsula to the ports of Eastern Sumatra.
    (2) From Bangka Strait to West Java.
    (3) From Malacca to northern Sumatra.
    Studies on other routes in Malaysia were already published in my 1st report. (See “Shien” -the journal of historical Studies, St. Paul's University- Vol. 16. No. 2. 1955) Also a short report about the general characteristics of navigation technique recorded in this document, namely uses of wind, observation of weather and islets, means of soundings, or uses of scientific instruments is added here.
  • 鹿毛 敏夫
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 2 号 153-190
    発行日: 2003/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Otomo family (大友氏), which dominated a large part of northern Kyushu (九州) had a firm intention to trade in Southeast Asia. The Muromachi shogunate (室町幕府) ordered them to remit sulfur for export. Then Otomo Ujitoki managed two sulfur mines in the mountain district of Bungo (豊後). Otomo Chikayo expanded the mining business geographically, and built a big ship called the "Kasuga-maru (春日丸)". The Otomos dispatched trade ships to Korea, China, the Ryukyus (琉球), and several countries of Southeast Asia. In particular, Otomo Yoshishige and Ouchi Yoshinaga, who were brothers, dispatched a fleet to China for trade, but they were considered as smugglers by the government. They went to the coastal areas of the South China Sea, and traded with the merchants who passed through there.
  • 中島 楽章
    社会経済史学
    2011年 76 巻 4 号 501-524
    発行日: 2011/02/25
    公開日: 2017/07/18
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    明清時代の貿易秩序を「朝貢貿易システム」として概括する見解に対し,近年では明初の朝貢体制にかわり,16世紀から「互市体制」が成長していったことが主張されている。本稿では14世紀末から16世紀末にいたる東アジア貿易秩序の変容と再編のプロセスを,6つの時期に分けて,海域・内陸アジアの双方について包括的に検討してみたい。14世紀末に成立した明朝の朝貢体制のもとでは,対外通商は明朝と周辺諸国との朝貢貿易に一元化され,民間貿易は禁止されていた。こうした朝貢体制は,15世紀初頭に最大限に達するが,15世紀中期からはしだいに動揺し,海域・内陸周縁地帯では,朝貢貿易の枠外に広州湾や粛州での「互市」が成長していく。16世紀中期までには,モンゴルや倭寇の略奪や密貿易の拡大により,朝貢貿易体制はほぼ破綻し,1570年前後には,明朝は華人海商の東南アジア渡航と,モンゴルとの互市を公認する。こうした貿易秩序の再編は,ポルトガルやスペインの新航路開拓による海外銀の流入とも連動して,多様な通商ルートが併存するあらたな貿易秩序,「1570年システム」が形成されたのである。
  • 中村 孝志
    民族學研究
    1954年 18 巻 1-2 号 113-122
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー

    The modern history of Formosa, as an integral part of World history, began at the period when Western nations made their appearance in the South Seas and when Chinese and Japanese were also active there. The shift in the appellation of this island is somewhat indicative of the vicissitude in international relations around it. Important are such namea as Takasago, Taiwan and Formosa. The name Takasago given by Japanese has gone out of use for long, because of the Japanese policy of self-seculusion in Tokugawa Era, whereas Taiwan by Chinese and Formosa by European remain still in general use. The so-called baccaneers in the Chinese documents had a more or less important role in the history of Formosa. In fact, they were mainly traders, among whom the CHENG 鄭 family of the 17th century was an outstanding figure. Among the Westerners of the South Seas, the Hollanders were the first to secure a footing on the island. It was in 1624 when they were persuaded by Chinese authority not to occupy the P'eng-hu 澎湖 islands lying between Formosa and the Continent, and to remove to Formosa that was not under the Chinese dominance. Thus the Hollanders built their fort at Taijouan (Anping) on the southwestern coast of this island, and, after having driven the Spaniards out of northern Formosa, they took possession of the whole island. Now they could concentrate themselves in the development of industry and trading. They tried to promote the production of rice and sugar and also the exploitation of gold, sulphur, and skin of deers in which the Western plain of the island abounds at that time. Before long, the island of Formosa became their treasury in the Far East. The Dutch dominance came to an end with the invasion of a troop headed by CHENG Cheng-kung 鄭成功 whose family in turn ruled there for three generations covering twenty-three years. Having been unable to cope with the growing power of the Manchu Dynasty, however, the Cheng government surrendered in 1683 to the Manchu forces under command of General SHIH lang 施琅. It is told that the Manchu authorities had an intention to give up the island and even to remove the immigrants to the Continent, though such a plan was not put into operation because of a strong opposition on the part of SHIH Lang. In view of maintaining public order, the Manchu government had truly put some restriction at first upon the Chinese immigrants who were occasionally rebellious. However, such a restriction was not strictly observed, and the Chinese were streaming more and more into the island ; particularly in and after the era of Chienlung 乾隆 (1736-95), they increased rapidly in number. Generally speaking, these immigrants cleared the land without any permission on the part of the authorities, and this caused grave frictions with aboriginal inhabitants mainly of the west plain of the island. Of these immigrants, the Fukienese came earlier than the Cantonese (Hakkas) and the former occupied main part of fertile plain, while the latter tended to distribute in foothill zone. They were at variance each other according to the affiliation respectively with the mutually antagonistic districts or clans of their homeland, thus leading not infrequently to civil war. In addition, Formosa inhabited by these immigrants was so notorious for insurrection that there was a popular saying : "a small revolt in three years and a big revolt in five years". On the other hand, the pressure of the Western powers upon the Manchu dynasty in its later days became grave more and more, and after the Opium War, the island was opened to Western nations for trade. Among the main exports there were tea and sulphur of the north and sugar of the south of the island, while opium and miscellaneous goods ranked among the main imports. It was true, however, that the growing contact with the Westerners tended to accelerate anti-foreign and anti-Christian trends among both general people

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  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 12 号 2080-2048
    発行日: 2011/12/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 可奈子
    史学雑誌
    2015年 124 巻 1 号 1-39
    発行日: 2015/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines according to what information and for what reasons Japan attempted to set up a system for capturing suspicious foreign ships shipwrecked in Korean waters and the manner in which Joseon, which accepted the arrangement, implemented those transfer requests and disposed of the ships, within the context of its relations with Qing China and Japan. After its prohibition of Christianity and in the aftermath of the Jesuit Infiltration Plots of 1642 and 43, Japan requested that in the case of any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters, Joseon divert them to Japan House (J: Wakan/K: Waegwan 倭館) in Pusan for transfer to Japan. From testimony given by Jesuit missionaries apprehended in the Infiltration Plots, the Japanese authorities were cognizant of the possibility that more missionaries would launch similar attempts from Korean shores and were thus on the alert. In order to maintain friendly relations between the two countries, Joseon accepted Japan's request, replying that it would divert all suspicious vessels to Japan House. The ships of Ming Dynasty subjects were frequently cast adrift upon Korean shores, and in the midst of the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, Joseon as a tributary of Qing was obligated to return Ming subjects to the Qing authorities, which opened the possibility that those people would be executed upon their arrival in Qing China. Upon the shipwreck of a Ming vessel in 1644, Joseon, which was thankful to the Ming Dynasty for defending her from Japanese invasion and felt obligated to help Ming subjects, tried to save the survivors by sending them to Japan under the pretense that they were possible Christian adherents. Pleased with Joseon's response, Japan requested that any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters would continue to be diverted to Japan House. However, when the next Ming shipwreck occurred, a Qing Dynasty envoy happened to be visting Joseon, making it, impossible to transfer survivors to Japan without drawing the attention of the Qing envoy. On that occasion Joseon King Injo decided to confer with the envoy about how to deal with Ming survivors. Although the consultation did not take place due to the surrender of the Ming subjects to Qing authorities, Qing Dynasty, wary of the military alliance formed between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, forbade Joseon from sending Ming subjects to Japan. At the same time, Joseon reported to the Qing Dynasty the fact of Japan's request for the diversion of suspicious ships, as well as the dispatch of Ming envoys to Japan in search of military assistance, emphasizing a Japanese threat to Qing security, all in the hope of gaining such concessions as exemptions from Qing-imposed rice and maritime corvee duties, the lifting of prohibitions on the building and repair of military fortifications and the resumption of army training. Although Joseon's plan was initially successful, upon the enthronement of Joseon King Hyojong, Qing China reprimanded Joseon for citing a Japanese threat as an excuse for remilitarization. Consequently, fearing the anger of Qing China, Joseon proceeded to return all shipwrecked Ming subjects (with some exceptions) to the Qing authorities. Nevertheless, the debate continued within Joseon on the strength of strong anti-Qing sentiment as to whether or not to send shipwrecked Ming subjects to Japan as suspected Christian adherents.
  • とくに古典的形態の成立と擴大について
    今堀 誠二
    法制史研究
    1958年 1958 巻 8 号 57-104,II
    発行日: 1958/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ho-hou _??__??_ is a kind of partnership which is usually based upon joint ownership of properties (Eigentum zur gesamten Hand). This form of partnership was used frequently, when two or more partners established an enterprise to undertake commerce, manufacturing industry, agriculture, forestry or fishing.
    Prototypes of ho-huo can be traced back at least to the Sung dynasty. But its classical form was completed under the Ming dynasty.
    The classical form involves two or more merchants, handicraftsmen or farmers in a joint enterprise, who invest equal sums and share the work pertaining to the operation of the enterprise. The members are liable unlimitedly.
    This form represents the first stage in the process of transition from personal management of enterprises in the feudal age to the capitalistic form of enterprises. Its historical role was to institutionalize capital accumulation and social division of labor in an enterprise. In Italy, similar developments were observed in the formation of societas. Ho-huo represents a form of enterprise in the stage of the small-scale commodity production in the historical development of economy.
    Under the Ching dynasty, which succeeded Ming, the classical form of ho-huo remained to be the principal form. But the number of the members was on the increase and ho-huo was thus quantitatively enlarged.
    As for historical data concerning ho-huo, many examples are found in court records and official documents, while several specimens of ho-huo contract were discovered by Dr. Noboru Niida in a vade mecum of the Ming period.
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