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  • アジアの民族と国家 東南アジアを中心として
    黄 昭堂
    国際政治
    1987年 1987 巻 84 号 62-79,L9
    発行日: 1987/02/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Taiwan has a population of 19 million, ranking in the top one-third among the 168 countries of the world. Taiwan enjoys economic prosperity symbolized by outstanding world trade which was 17th among the nations of the world in 1985. In reality, the name of the nation which exists on Taiwan is the “Republic of China”; however, this government refuses to consider the island of Taiwan as its only territory and has been struggling with the Peoples' Republic of China, both claiming the opposite side's territory as its own. The war in search of legitimacy still seems to be underway; but the will of the Taiwanese, who comprise 85% of the population of Taiwan, has been ignored for a long time. This article, which is a prelude to a forthcoming article, “The People and the Nation of Taiwan-Trends After the Second World War, ” gives the historical background of Taiwan; furthermore, it describes what the Taiwanese think about the people and the nation to which they belong.
    Taiwan was ruled by the Dutch, the Spanish, the Koxinga Dynasty and the Manchurian Ching Dynasty of the seventeenth century. The latest governing power lasted until 1895, when Taiwan was ceded to Japan. The native inhabitants of Taiwan were Malayo-Polynesians; they were joined by the Han immigrants from the Chinese mainland. At the end of the Dutch era, these two populations were balanced at about 40, 000 each. However, at the end of the Ching era, because the Hans continued to immigrate to Taiwan, the natives were out-numbered. Relations between the two groups were very poor, and even the Hans themselves failed to establish an identity as “Taiwanese” until the Japanese occupation in 1895.
    A Taiwanese consciousness was established among the Han inhabitants during the early period of Japanese occupation, perhaps because of the following: (1) resistance by force from 1895 to 1915 helped the Hans to create a “weconsciousness, ” (2) economic construction by the Japanese Taiwan Governor-General government brought communication infra-structures to the inhabitants (i. e., telephones, lengthened and widened roads and railways), (3) Japanese language instruction offered the inhabitants a mutual language; before this time, even the Hans in Taiwan were divided into two language groups.
    In the second decade of the 20th century, the Taiwanese political movement took over the position of resistance by force against Japanese rule. It was then that the idea of nationalism was introduced to Taiwan through the Chinese Nationalist Revolution in China in 1911. Thereafter, Han political leaders considered the Taiwanese to be a branch of the Chinese people; however, the native aborigines were still excluded. Although Han political leaders consider the Taiwanese to be a branch of the Chinese people, their idea has failed to gain support from the Taiwanese masses who consider themselves to be “Taiwanese.” The Taiwanese Communist Party established in 1928 also failed to appeal to the masses. Their slogan “Taiwanese nationalism” was not accepted. Since all of the political movements in Taiwan were oppressed by the Japanese authorities around the time of the Manchurian Incident in 1931, the Taiwanese consciousness failed to grow to form a “Taiwanese people.” The forced Japanization was accelerated until the Japanese surrender to the Allied Powers in 1945. The emergence of Taiwanese nationalism, in other words the formation of the “Taiwanese people, ” did not come about until their confrontation with the newly arrived ruler, the government of the Republic of China.
  • 童 安佚
    体育学研究
    2012年 57 巻 1 号 103-118
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2012/06/02
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2012/03/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study examined the building and consolidation of a “New Taiwanese National Identity” through the 2001 Baseball World Cup (BWC) by focusing on national identity and the historical transformation of nationalism in Taiwan.
      Four ethnic groups have lived on Taiwan island from the 17th century: the genjumin minority, two groups of Han Chinese known as honshojin (the Min Nan and Hakka ethnic groups) and the mainlanders known as gaishojin. All of these groups have different forms of national identity and nationalism. The honshojin have lived in Taiwan from before the era of Japanese rule until now, and the gaishojin came from Mainland China after 1945. The different historical experiences of these Taiwanese people have formed the different national identities of Taiwan.
      First, this study tries to explain the identities and nationalism of the different ethnic groups in Taiwan from the Qing Dynasty until today. Baseball in Taiwan was started under Japanese rule, and the Taiwanese have always tried to find a conciliatory national identity through baseball events. Examination of this historical transition has revealed that a conciliatory Taiwanese national identity has been forged through baseball. The 2001 BWC provided an opportunity for all the people of Taiwan to be conscious of their Taiwanese nationality, and to strengthen their unity through baseball as a national sport. The president of the Republic of China (=Taiwan) Chen Shui-bian always used the phrases “We are Taiwanese” and “Our national sport is baseball” to gain the confidence of the Taiwanese people. Even in the China Times (the national newspaper of Taiwan), Chen's speeches and actions were reported to gain the trust of the general public. For this study, the general director of the CTBA, and the head coach and players of the national baseball team were interviewed, and they also agreed that the team representing Chinese Taipei is the representative of Taiwan.
      As a result, it was shown that the 2001 BWC influenced the consciousness of the Taiwanese people, to forge and to strengthen a “New Taiwan National Identity”. Furthermore, a close correlation between baseball and politics in Taiwan was revealed, each having a considerable influence on the other.
  • ——2001年論争以前
    三澤 真美恵
    中国語中国文化
    2021年 2021 巻 18 号 19-64
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/03/31
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • ―台湾政治学と主権の現実性
    鵜飼 健史
    年報政治学
    2019年 70 巻 1 号 1_204-1_224
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿は、行為遂行的な主権が生きている台湾の政治理論の分析を通じて、主権そのものの存在に関する説明を終えたとする現代政治理論に対抗して、主権論の意義を再検討する。その際、1970年代の台湾の主権的地位の歴史的な変化や80年代以降の民主化運動の中で蓄積された主権論を読み解くとともに、近年のヒマワリ運動にも伏在する主権概念を明確化する。第2節では、20世紀後半を通じて、台湾の主権論がどのように形成されたのかを追体験しつつ、国民主権論の定着を確認する。第3節では、主権論におけるマイノリティ問題への論及を皮切りに、ポピュリズムとの格闘という世界史的なテーマに対する固有の切り口や、中華圏での民主化運動とのつながりを確認し、台湾主権論が提起する理論的成果を明らかにする。本稿では、台湾主権論における行為遂行的な側面の強靱さと、それが実効的な民主主義と政治共同体の自立性とを同時に正統化する根拠となっている点を指摘する。

  • 深串 徹
    アジア研究
    2024年 70 巻 1 号 1-16
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2024/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper examines how Chinese Taiwanologists evaluate China’s “discursive power” (the influence generated by concepts, logic, values, and ideology in certain narratives) over Taiwan and what challenges they perceive to exist.

    When Chinese leaders speak about the inevitability of Taiwan’s unification with China, there usually are two main reasons they cite: People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the “Chinese nation”; and the relations between mainland China and Taiwan have been underpinned by historical and cultural ties. However, Chinese Taiwanonogists are generally pessimistic about the attractiveness of these narratives on Taiwanese people, given that “cultural independence” sentiment that denies the significance of cultural and historical ties between mainland China and Taiwan is overwhelming in the island. Specifically, history research and history education in Taiwan are regarded as two spheres where the influence of “cultural independence” sentiment are most serious.

    Some Chinese scholars believe that “cultural independence” sentiment in the island will naturally disappear because it is contrary to the interests of the Taiwanese people themselves, but this kind of optimistic view has become a minority, especially since the establishment of the Tsai Ing-wen administration in 2016. Therefore, many Chinese researchers advocate that China must enhance its discursive power over Taiwan and manipulate public opinion in the island to increase support rate for unification with mainland China.

    To achieve that goal, measures such as establishing a historical narrative that stresses the historical and ethnocultural ties between mainland China and Taiwan and promoting a Chinese identity among the Taiwanese people are recommended. On the other hand, some believe that at present, there is little China can do to exert discursive power over Taiwan and expect that “remodeling” and “re-education” of Taiwanese people after unification would be necessary.

    It is not clear which of these measures will be adopted, but as long as strengthening China’s “discursive power” is regarded as an important agenda by the CCP leadership, and as long as the Chinese leadership stick to a policy of “heart-to-heart” unification with Taiwan, how to enhance China’s “discursive power” over Taiwanese society will continue to be the important theme of research for Chinese Taiwanologists.

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