In 1927, Government of National Party in Nanking made the plan named City planing in Shanghai, which aimed building their own national city in nothern area of Shanghai, concession city, and its plan was put into practice. The purposes of this plan are: (1) More prosperity than it in concession (2) Preventing the enlargement of concession and building Shanghai as the symbol of national independence. Therefore, the government assigned reliable staff to the mayor who should be the leader in this plan. kofu, the first mayor of this city made the detail of this plan together with Shini, his staff. Shini worked under succesive mayors and cosequently he was actual leader of this plan. It was remarkable as the symbol of modern city planning that network was planned around the core of city. At the time of practice, this plan was interrupted by the First War in Shanghai and condequently it changed to the plan of an area project from the plan of marking great Shanghai for the purpose of the reconstruction after this war. As the result of the financial program and change of the situation by this war, this plan was terminated, however, it was the first and unique trial in the history of modem city planning in China.

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As soon as the turbulence of Late Ming-Early Qing Era came to an end, the commodity distribution of the Lower Yangze Delta became brisk again, and the spatial transfer of persons and articles was rising rapidly. How-ever, the development of the commodity economy exposed social problems, such as the expansion of the gap between the rich and the poor, and it increased real crimes targeting commodity transported by merchants and shipping carriers. As a result, in the mid-Kangxi _??__??_ era, by the early Yongzheng _??__??_ era at the latest, the local government had to take system-atic measures against these crimes, and placed a lot of police box xun _??_ in parts of county cities and market towns, of along the network of roads between county cities and market towns, between market towns, and between market towns and villages. The local government finally started taking safety measures against commercial and traffic conditions. It is likely that such an arrangement of xun _??_ system promoted the develop-ment of transportation during the Qing period. But not all municipalities were not served by this xun _??_ system. Only those that G. W. Skinner called "the intermediate market, " in which local elites and merchants lived, enjoyed the service provided by the xun _??_, system. It seems reasonable to suppose that the xun _??_ system was expanded by the political-economic ability of the leaders of "the intermediate market." They hoped that the lacal government's police force would contain the criminal elements which disturbed the saticfactory development of the market town. They absorbed sorts of expenses for policing the xun _??_ system, while the police xunbing _??__??_ in turn protected their life and property. It may safely be assumed that in this way public order became stable, and the foundation of the development of regional society was established.

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In the process of city modernization, the modernization of urban transportation systems is an indispensable condition. The present paper is a comparison study about the effect of the introduction of streetcar on the course of city modernization between Japan and China. During the initial period of city modernization in Japan, the streetcar is introduced as a transportation tool linking populous urban regions and railway stations as well as harbors. However, it soon developed the popular urban transportation and had a significant influence on the city modernization. For example, the development of streetcar railway networks coupled with the road broadening played an important role in the city modernization of Osaka and Kyoto. In China, the introduction of streetcar was only limited to Beijing and the concession cities, Shanghai and Tianjin, besides some colonized cities in northeast China. While most cities, even some prosperous cities such as Guangzhou, did not have the streetcar system. Therefore, the introduction of streetcar in the early stage did not play an important role in the city modernization in China.

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Since the 16th century k'angtsu 抗租-the uprisings of tenant farmers (tienhu 佃戸) against landowners-had widely been taking place in the villages in the Chiang-nan delta. These uprisings were seen also in irrigation communities such as yu〓 or chin.〓 Earlier it was the landowners engaging themselves in agriculture that controlled and took responsibility for the irrigation of yu. In the late Ming and the early Ch'ing dynasties these landowners rapidly declined and gave way to hsiangshen 郷紳, the gentry who owned vast lands living in the cities and towns. Consequently there arose a change in the matter of irrigation. In the early Ch'ing age the self-farming small landowners in Chang-hsing 長興, Fu-chou Prefecture, who had lost their former power and were declining, failed to carry out their responsibility for irrigation and suffered severe sccusations and violet offences by tenant farmers. On an occasion when there was a flood tenant farmers intruded into a landowner's house, destroyed part of it by tearing some of the lumber off the house, dug his land to carry away some mud and dirt, and used their loot for repairing the damaged chenkeng 〓〓-the embankment of a chen 〓. Such an incident was a common one. In the late Ming and early Ch'ing dynasties the new irrigation practice with chaot 'ien-p'aii 照田派役-the assignment of labor and expenses according to acreage of farms-as its main feature was established by the state power all over the Chiang-nan delta. The situation was the same everywhere in Fu-chou Prefecture. In our Chang-hsing too, the reform on the same line wa carried out by the governor (chihhsien 知県) in order to mitigate the sharp conflict between the landowners and the tenant farmers and to protect the small landowners. In the Yung-cheng 雍正 and the Ch'ienlang 乾隆 periods the uprisings of tenant farmers subsided to some extent. Behind this was the reorganization of irrigation practice by the intervention of the state power.

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1 長江と太湖・洞庭湖；2 歴史的背景の一部；3 エリの分布と記録；4 家船の分布と記録；5 太湖でのその他の実践；6 大型民俗事例調査法の追究

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The Li-nien chi, recently published in the Ch'ing-tai Ji-chi hui-ch'ao 清代日記〓抄 (Shanghai Jenmin Ch'u-Pan she 上海人民出版社 ed.), is a memoir written by Yao T'ing-lin (姚廷〓, 1628-1697?), a native of Shanghai. As Yao Yung-chi (姚永済), a brother of Yao T'ing-lin's grandfather, was a high-ranking official during the Late Ming, the Yao became one of the famous clans in Shanghai. After the Ming-Ch'ing transition, however, the Yao clan declined, and Yao T'ing-lin, no longer a member of the affluent local elite, was forced to earn his living by working at various jobs. The purpose of the present paper is to offer some findings gained through an analysis of miscellaneous entries in the Li-nien chi concerning such subjects as human relations, economic life and local administration. Though Yao Yung-chi's patronage and assistance greatly helped Yao T'ing-lin in his youth, that help was not based on a clan institutional organization for mutual aid among kinsmen, but on the personal sympathy which existed between Yung-chi and T'ing-lin. The lack of organizational power might have been one of the causes of the rapid decline of Yao clan. To earn a living, Yao T'ing-lin was engaged in various jobs throughout his life including work as a trader, managerial landlord, yamen clerk, independent farmer, and teacher. His choice of these jobs was based on a sharp sense of the advantages and disadvantages involved, although sometimes his expectations were not realized. Both the justice meted out by the courts and taxation levied by the Ch'ing local government directly influenced the lives of people in local society ; and when the local folk felt the expenses of lawsuits and tax-paying too burdensome, they relied on such personal measures as mediation on the part of relatives and friends or private arrangements with yamen clerks in order to protect themselves from ruin.

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