The theory that the five-rank system, consisting of gong 公, hou 候, bo 伯, zi 子 and nan 男 bestowed by Zhou kings 周王 upon feudal lords actually existed can be seen in the classical scriptures and historical documents. In so far as we accept this theory, we therefore must consider that the Zhou kings, after their overthrow of the Yin 殷, reorganized their territorial domain and various 'tribes' once subjected to the Yin. Although the real existence of such a system is now in doubt, the reorganization of the ruling structure by the Zhou kings is accepted by the experts. This, however, will resort in a contradiction. Furthermore, even if the theory of the 'five-rank system' itself is a later fabrication, the reference in the bronze inscriptions to gong, hou, and bos, for example, suggests that that theory as a whole is a later fabrication. As a result of having examined this problem as seen in the Chun-qiu, one of the classical scriptures, the author has found that only in the case of the hou and bo are their founders in the main members of the Zhou royal family. He has also found that, on the other hand, many of the members of the Zhou royal family were given the titles of hou or bo. In addition, it is observed that after the middle of the Chun-qiu period there are many states whose historical background is unclear and yet begin to appear frequently on the historical scene and are given the title of zi. We should, therefore, say that the main purpose of early Zhou feudalization was to make the members of the Zhou royal family into hou or bo and was limited at most to assigning them to their respective feudal proprithorships. In other words, at the beginning of the Zhou we know from the bronze inscriptions that there existed the hou and bo who were enfeoffed by thd Zhou kings, as well as those hou and bo titles remaining from the Yin kings. This leads us to conclude that the reorganization of the Zhou ruling structure mentioned above was not carried out in such a way as to extend to the entire regions, "tribes", and "clans" under the rule of the Yin royal court.

抄録全体を表示

The research that has been done to date on marriage customs during the pre-Qin 先秦 period forms an enormous volume of literature;however, no standards of textual criticism concerning the one of the most frequently quoted source materials on the subject, the Zuo-Zhuan 左伝, exist to date. In the present article, the author applies Hirase Takao's content outline and "implicit" structural theory to the items in the Zuo-Zhuan concerning marriage, and investigates the geneologies of the major kingdoms. As a result of this analysis, the author shows that the work refutes the spouses and descendents of the Jiang 妾 family, a representative family of the Qi 斉 dynasty, showing a tendency towards breaks in lines of descent. Here, a "form" other than the form discovered by the Hirase can be indentified for the Zuo-Zhuan, in which the Lu 魯 and Jin 晋 Periud aristocrats, the San-Huan 三桓 and Jin period Han 韓, Wei 魏 and Zhao 趙, and the Jin period Han and Qi period Chen all correspond, forming a triplex structure. The Zuo-Zhuan contains items on marriage that degrades all families other than the Han, in order to legitimize the Han kings of the Warring States period as descendents of Han Xuan Zi 韓宣子. In addition, the marital evaluations contained in the relatively new tales and dialogues contained in the Zuo-Zhuan negate matrilineal lines deriving from the Ji 姫 name. Also, in pre-Qin times there are regions in which matrilineal blood lines were emphasized, as indicated in the extant bronze inscriptions and bamboo documents from the period. What this means is that checks existed against any attempt to legitimize one's authority based on a marital affiliation with a women with a Ji name, leading one to believe that the Zuo-Zhuan was ideologically opposed to the involvement of women in politics. The Zuo-Zhuan was thus a very politically influenced work utilized to legitimeze the power structure to which its editors advocated. On the contrary, other works of the Qi period, the Chun-Qiu 春秋 and Gong Yang Zhuan 公羊伝, for example, took positions concerning marriage contrary to the Zuo-Zhuan. It was in this way that the various kingdoms of the Warring States period attempted to legimitize their authority by either utilizing marital relations from the past or refuting those of their political rivals, a process within which views about marriage were gradually institutionalized and traditionalized for future generations. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind the fact that the concept of marriage went through a transition half way through the period.

抄録全体を表示

What was the historical nature of social changes in the Ch'un-ch'iu (春秋) and Chan-kuo (戦国) periods which gave birth to the Ch'in (秦) and Han (漢) empires? This paper seeks to analyse this problem within the context of the formative process of the Chun-hsien system. Former studies have shown that the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period was established on large Yi (邑) s which controlled several small Yis based on the primary agricultural land. The relation of production in each Yi was so independent that the surviving tribal system of ruled tribes was kept intact and incorporated into the Old Hsien of the Ch'in and Han empires as they were, althogh the hereditary rule by the Hsien ruler was gradually eroded away. In other words, the remarkable change of Hsien in the Hsien-ch'in (先秦) period directly appeared in the erosion of the Hsien rulers' hereditary power. This paper studies how far this erosion had developed in the State of Ch'u (楚), one of the powers in the Ch'un-ch'iu period. Not all of the Hsiens in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period were larger than the Old-hsiens of the Ch'in and Han empires. If there was any criteria for the "Hsien" of the Ch'in-Han period, there must have been also criteria for the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period, though local varieties must be taken into account. The Hsien ruler was called "Ch'un (君)" or lord and Hsien-Yin (尹) was equal to Hsien-ch'un, though there is the possibility that Hsien-kung (公) may have had a special siginificance. An investigation of these Hsien rulers clearly shows that their hereditary power had been widely eroded and the character of the Hsien in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period had greatly changed. The advance of Kung-tzu (公子) and Kung-sun (公孫) overwhelmed the Shih-tzu (世族) in the central government and hindered the hereditary rule of these same Shih-tzu at the Hsien level. It is more important that the Wang-tzu (王族) themselves were denied hereditary rule, so that the advance of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun did not bring about a new breed of Shih-tzu. Therefore this advance is an important indication of universal penetration of the royal power of ch'u into Hsiens, even before the reform of Yi-yen (〓掩), the royal appropriation of hilly country forests, groves and marshes already had the full significance of starting the transformation of the Ch'un-ch'iu hsien at the time of King Chuang (荘王) when the power of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun was ascendant. How the Shih-tzu which preceded the Chan-kuo kingdom, like San-chin (三晋) and Tian-shi (田氏) of Ch'i (斉) ruled their Hsiens, and how the role Chao (昭), Ch'u (屈), Ching (景), the three big Shih-tzus of Ch'u played was to be interpreted in the light of the result of our investigation, is a problem to be clarified in future research.

抄録全体を表示

古代中国社会は身分関係の厳しい封建社会である.このような身分関係は多かれ少なかれことばの運用に反映される.『礼記』(前1世紀)の中で,身分の異なる人の死についてそれぞれ異なる表現を使い分けるように規定している.本論文は『史記』(前1世紀)を対象として死亡を表すさまざまな異形と指示対象の社会的身分との関係,および言語変異に影響を与える他の社会的要因などについて考察した.そして,『礼記』の言語規範と『史記』の言語運用との間の違いについて検証を行なった.

抄録全体を表示

This paper takes the formation of Chinese commodity economy during the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period as a concrete example, microscopically to prove the theory of historical materialism about the production capacity, especially its components - the principle that technology determines the social economic structure (industry, transaction, market and so forth). During the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, the invention of iron and the progress of smelting techniques enabled the iron farm tools to be spread, therefore the agricultural production capacity was improved remarkably. On one hand, the improvement of production capacity caused the individual peasant families to separate from the clan community, and they started to work as independent producers. On the other hand, the farm surpluses started to appear. These improvements prepared the conditions for the appearance of the initial commodities. As a result of the increasing demands of iron, the former governmental industry structural framework was destroyed, and the privately operated iron handicraft manufacturing started to appear. In addition, the use and the spreading of iron tools enabled the handicraft industries, such as the salt industry, the textile industry etc., to develop and also to liberate themselves from the rules and regulations of the clan community. Thus, the privatization of the production means and the spontaneous social division of labor provided the conditions for the commodity productions. Taking the iron and salt as a priority, the multitudinous products of labor turned to the commodities. At the same time, the preparation of roads and waterways expanded the scope of the commodity exchanges. The city prosperity and the merchants' activities further promoted the developments of the commodity economy. The appearance of currency was the symbol of the formation of the commodity economy.

抄録全体を表示